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Dear Friends,
I write to you again out of concern that I might be
misread as "nuke 'em Dan." While I indeed sought to
bring us all to consider our REAL power, our nuclear
power, as a factor in the equasion, delivered by our
irresistable ICBMs, it was in the full expectation
that the credible threat that we present to end our
vulnerability to destruction by suicidal terror would
bring the terror to an end.
Medicine asks all physicians before acting to ask
themselves: am I improving the situation with my
intervention or might I be doing harm? As a medical
student one gets the illusion that medicine is a great
battle between doctor and disease. But the practice of
medicine puts before the physician another dimension:
the limitless suffering that is inflicted on man by
disease. Most of the time, pathology is beyond our
control; paliative treatment of suffering is all we
can do. Once that is appreciated, one from then on
forward invariable asks if his/her intervention will
ameliorate or enhance that botomless suffering. Hence,
the dictum: above all do no harm. This dictum puts the
physician before a most vexing dilema, as often the
prolongation of life is a tradeoff with enhancement of
suffering. To avoid this disabling dilema, physicians
follow standard process algorithms and leave the rest
to the patient's will.
President Bush would have been well served to consider
that dilema. As the voice of the people, he must meet
the common man's three post-Sept 11th demands: (a) get
even; (b) end the insecurity; (c) return things to
where they were on Sept. 10th. In essence, the
President is asked by the people to "cure" them of
this disease, of A SENSE OF TERROR, from which they
suffer and under whose influence they cannot function.
This means that he must act.
My first correspondence to you came last Saturday when
I was made aware that the President had chosen to act.
I felt that no action on his part could achieve his
people's three demands. To these plebian
considerations, he also had to integrate the demands
of all the patrician interests that characterize the
Republican Party. While the paralyzing impact of
terror makes action necessary, the target is
ultimately the lands from which eminates the bulk of
the feul that runs the West. And, so the President
must consider the three demands of the freightened and
angered masses along with the limitations imposed by
grander practical factors.
Mr. Bush must also face the fact that none of our
"allies" were hit as we were. Therefore, to join our
coalition is to invite a threat that is not only
unmanagable but would not exist for them if these
nation broke with the Americans. Bin Laden has passsed
the word that those Western states that keep clear of
our Grand Alliance will be spared. How could a
government, therefore, justify to its citizens that it
has brought on them terrorism with which it cannot
cope only in order to assist the only target of the
terrorism, America.
Then there are the Moslem states. Fragmented most
skillfully by the European colonialists for about a
century, so that they were powerless, subserviance to
the West has now come to be seen as the greatest sin
to illegitamizes a regime. Besides that, this terror
campaign has been declared a "Jihad," a holy war. On
would thus be betraying God and man by joining the
Grand Alliance. As a result, Moslem states have
followed a comical process of being in and out at the
same time, actively assisting one side and then the
other, so that, in sum, their contribution has to be
counterproductive from our point of view, lest they be
seen as-- more than traitors-- vile sinners.
In sum then, the United States is alone. And-- until
failure mixes with the cost in treasure and blood--
united. But as costs rise-- Vietnam is an example--
the finger of guilt will point every-which-way and
domestic squables will dictate military policy. One
cannot help but wonder, in light of the forboding
precedence of defeat, if Mr. Bush has considered the
dictum: above all do no harm. In other words, has he
weighed the advantages and disadvantages of action as
opposed to inaction?
Please consider as the essential element of my
position the view that if we do NOTHING about Sept
11th; that, I believe, will enhance the credibility of
our threat that should another major terrorist
incident occur we will pulverize with nucleat-tipped
ICBMs the locations where the Mullahs can be found.
Our threat should be limited to incidents in the
United States. All other acts against US instalations
abroad should be met through the action of an
international consortium whose objective it is to
cut-off the Mullahs' "hands" with which they commit
terror (such as bin Laden's organization-- one of
several). Thus, bin Laden's fate is sealed, no matter
what else happens. But there are better ways of
getting this desert rat than with the top of the line
of our forces. We cannot let others think that the
best of what we have was needed to destroy the best of
what they have. Better defence of our installations in
coordination with our Grand Alliance would serve
better the elimination of terrorism's "middle
management." Failled efforts may school them well for
the next time. But if we turn these into major
embarassments as our superior covert operations
achieve a high standard of competence under diplomatic
support, success will be assured and the number of
willing "martyrs" will decrease. But in such cases we
must work slowly, steadily and quietly.
Unfortunately, a very important secret is out. We can
ONLY function as an open society and, therefore,
cannot do for our instalations in-country what we can
do for those abroad. Our vulnerability assures that
dramatic assaults on our foreign instalations will
serve as training tools rather than ultimate goals. So
long as the Muslim War against the "Great Satan"
continues, if we do nothing, America is the prime
target. Our defencelessness insures that. It is almost
comical how the sending of antrhax by mail can so
disrupt American society. One can only imagine what
awaits us when we are under viral attack. It takes
many bacteria (which are living organisms and
therefore tend to perish before they infect) to make
people deathly sick. It only takes one virus (and
since it is not a living organism it can survive under
harsh circumstances) and for viruses there are no
antibiotics. I also cringe in shame at how the turning
of civilian aircraft into guided misilles is
considered such a sohisticated operation-- just so as
not to expose how wrecklessly unprepared were, AND
ARE, the airlines. Stupid mistakes on the terrorists'
part have been eiminated by on the job learning. We
can only expect truly more sophisticated operations
from here on in.
This raises the question of whether Mr. Bushe's
neither/nor response, above all, does no harm. We as a
nation have suffered enough. If we deem whatever comes
next to be terrorism's response to our air assault on
Afghanistan, Mr. Bush will be held personally
responsible. What then befalls him is nothing compared
to the weakness that befalls the nation once this all
becomes a political football. With mid-term elections
one year away, one can easily forsee a terror-politics
coordination to render America even more helpless than
now, possibly pleading with the terrorists for
"negotiations," as was done in 1968 after a major
offensive in Vietnam.
Time is NOT on our side. So what can we do?
Let us recall that some two decades ago Khomeini
sought to unite the Moslem World in a religious purge
of itself. From our point of view, that meant to learn
to live not wanting the global modernity we were
offering. Previously, secular Pan-Arabism had its
heroes. And their demise did cause some aggitation.
But secular nationalism suffered from a
self-limitation that never created a problem in the
Middle East which we could not manage. Our
insurmountable troubles began when the Moslem Youth
was sought after in a religious crusade. I strongly
recommend reading Ofira Seliktar's FAILING THE CRYSTAL
BALL TEST (2000) for an analysis of America's
inability to confront the two steps assault of the
Mullahs: redemtion of the faithful and attack on the
Great Satan.
Had any in our Government been less cynical, they
would have seen the parallel between the moblization
of Moslem youths, irrespective of sects or
nationality, into a sort of Moslems sans frontieres,
and the moblilization of Polish youth against the
Soviets. Pope Paul, like Khomeini, called on them to
sacrifice for faith instead of material things. Yet,
we honored one and besmerched the other. In both cases
secular states were helpless. The symbols of faith
came to mean more than the sufffering inflicted by the
state. Concequently, the resistance could not be
quelled. As we go after bin Laden, we refuse to recall
the Polish CP's lack of sucess killing by his Catholic
counterparts. The more such priests died, the more
youths came to sacrifice security and to face
sufffering.
The trouble with action is that if you undershoot, you
lose miserably. It is very much like trying to kill a
snake by stomping on its middle; you leave yourself
vulnerable to its poisonous fangs. That is why I feel
that we have no choise but to threaten the head. And,
should our threat succeed, we have no choise but to
co-exist with the Mullahs in the Muslim world. Just as
JFK threatened the Soviets in the past (I thank Dolf
Droge for the very interesting case-example)we must
make clear that we hold them, the Mullahs, responsible
should another major incident occur and will "nuke"
them. In that way, we live under the threat of their
irresistable power to terrorize the United States and
they live under the threat of our irresistable power
to wipe them and all their "holy sites" (I thank Mr.
Phillip Karber for that consideration as an
alternative to Teharan and Baggdad) off the face of
the earth. We then live back in the MAD-- mutually
assured destruction-- of the Cold War, as we did with
the Soviets. And, we can hope that the Moslem peoples
will, like the peoples of the Red Bloc, reverse this
system, moving history backwards to Medieval times.
The Taliban and the Mullahs are a Moslem World
solution to Moslem World problems. It is their world
and we must not interfere. Economic need on both sides
will insure state-to-state accords and diplomacy. We
have prevailed over Communism while dealing with them
both in terms of cooperation and MAD; we must now
prevail over the "martyrs for Allah" and the Mullahs;
until then we must coexist in the same way. This can
only be done, as in the Cold War, through credible
deterrence. And yet, we cannot forget that our Cold
War credibility would not have existed without our
demonstrations at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. We might,
therefore-- and by God I pray we don't-- be forced to
demonstrate the power and feasability of our unique
nuclear capablility. That may also serve to educate
other potential threats.
Our goal should be to insure the impenetrability of
the continental United States. That's as much as we
have been able to hope for since WWII. For the rest,
it will continue to be a complex mix of diplomacy,
trade and force for the forseable future. Above all we
must recognize that in defending our shores we have no
allies. We can only have allies on common interests.
Our enemy is not drawable on organizational charts as
was the Communist Bloc. The cells are loosesly bound
and unbound and rebound based on the fascilitations of
the Mullahs. We cannot change that now. That takes
time and effort and lots of ups and downs. All we can
do now is deter by convincing that to AGAIN attack the
US means death. The rest, well, that's what we've got
generals and diplomats for.
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