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A. BACKGROUND
1. Introduction
2. Multi –culture and Multi-ethnicity
3. Ethnic Mosaic and Cultural Harmony
4. Cultural Isolation of Population
5. Policies of Forceful Assimilation, Exclusion and
Eviction
6. One Nation One People Slogan
7. Driglam Namzha
8. Language Policy
9. Change of the names of places
B. STATUS OF MINORITIES
IN BHUTAN
Discrimination in the representation
of minorities
Discrimination in participation
Discrimination in employment and economic progress
Discrimination in education
Denial of religious rights
Violation of cultural rights
Discriminatory language policy
Minorities and health
Denationalization of Lhotshampas
Minority and development
Minority and (rule of) law
A. BACKGROUND
INTRODUCTION
Bhutan is a multi-religious, multi-cultural and multi-linguistic
society. In the name of national integration, the government implemented
various racial and discriminatory policies aimed at forceful homogenisation
of multi-ethnic society. This ‘Drukpanization’ ( which
it euphemistically calls Bhutanization) policy was designed to annihilate
the culture, religion and language of Lhotshampas, Sharchhops and
other minority, ethnic, religious and linguistic groups. Under this
policy, all other ethnic and minority groups are required to assimilate
their social and cultural identity as distinct ethnic groups with
the society dominated by politically and economically dominant Ngalung
or Drukpa ethnic group. The state could not evolve a modus vivendi.
To the state ‘Bhutanese national identity’ meant the forceful
assimilation of cultures. Forced national integration, through eviction,
through depriving the Lhotshampas of their nationality, or through
brutal intimidation and use of force have been the hallmark of state
policy.
Without assimilation also political unity of population
can be achieved. Examples abound as USA, Switzerland and Great Britain
where the Scottish and Wales enjoy their cultural identity. The
Government’s policies of national integration however, received
stubborn resistance from the Lhotshampas, first, and now by the
Sharchhop and other minority groups.
Buddhism has been used as a political tool by the
state. Buddhism has been defined to suit the interests of the ruling
community. Bhutanese polity is increasingly communalised by the
ruling elite. Politics is practised on ethnic lines in Bhutan that
the politics became the monopoly of the single ethnic group, the
Ngalung. The rule of state becomes problematic when it seeks to
represent one ethnic group in a multi-ethnic society. There was
a constant feeling of insecurity among all the minorities against
the ruling regime as a result of frequent changes in the laws, rules
and policies and their interpretation by the government to suit
the regime largely affecting the Lhotshampas, Sharchops and other
minority groups.
Over-conscious of the global upsurge of the democratic
movement and its import to Bhutan sooner or later, the government
crafted a clever strategy to prevent the demand for democratic reforms.
The dream of a new Drukpa Buddhist state thus responds to a over-reaction
against modernisation and establishment of human rights and democracy
- a threat to the absolute monarchy and feudal system. The ‘ethnic
cleansing’ policy is a part of that strategy.
But, despite the democratic winds of change in the
sub- continent such as emergence of Bangladesh as an independent
nation or the ethnic conflicts having components of ‘self-
determination’, ‘autonomy’, separatism’ and
‘independence’ in the neighbouring Indian states of Kashmir,
Punjab, North- east and Sri Lanka, Bhutanese political institutions
had no cause to worry as the Bhutanese people by and large remained
politically indifferent to these developments.
The government, instead of taking lessons from these
devastating events in the region and pursuing a realistic policy
of integrating different nationalities in Bhutan, the government
started working for the ‘ethnic cleansing’ of Lhotshampas.
This shows government’s lack of vision and immaturity of its
statecraft and cultural intolerance. Bhutanese refugees are the
victims of racial policy of their government, they are genuine citizens
of Bhutan. The lack of political will on the part of Bhutan has
created critical bottleneck on the repatriation of the refugees.
Without taking back the Bhutanese refugees, it will
not be possible to achieve integration of the Bhutanese society.
They must be repatriated with dignity and honour. Until the Bhutanese
refugee problem is solved and human rights are guaranteed there
can be no peace in Bhutan. Given the current situation, the repatriation
of refugees seems not possible without effecting a change in existing
laws. These laws declare a citizen anti -national if one is found
to be in contact with any dissident against the government and are
subjected to the confiscation of citizenship. The laws also say
that voluntarily migrated citizens are not allowed to return to
the country. Several thousand citizens have been intimidated to
flee and asked to fill up voluntary migration forms under duress.
Today, the demands for establishment of human rights,
end of racism and disparity, creation of participatory and political
institutions, establishment of a secular political and social order,
rule of law, balanced economic growth, repatriation of Bhutanese
are the focal points around which the resolution of Bhutanese refugee
and the political crisis revolves.
 MULTI-CULTURE
AND MULTI-ETHNICITY
Bhutan does not have any indigenous group. It is
a nation of immigrants and a multi-ethnic society. There are three
distinct ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious groups in Bhutan.
The widely called Drukpas or Ngalong community belongs
to Tibeto-mongoloid stock and live in the northern districts, speak
Dzonkha language and wear robe like dresses. They migrated from
Tibet. They are called Drukpas as they follow the Drukpa Kargyupa
school of Mahayana Buddhism. King and all the high Government Officials
belong to this politically and economically dominant ethnic group.
The second ethnic group is called Sarchops ( meaning
easterners) who inhabit in eastern and central districts and practice
Nyingmapa sect of Mahayana Buddhism and belong to Tibeto-Burman
ancestry. They speak Tsangla, Kurteop, Kheng and Brokpa dialects.
They were supposedly migrated from North-east India.
The third ethnic group is called Lhotshampas ( meaning
Southern Bhutanese) live in six southern foothill districts, speak
Nepali language, practice mostly Hinduism and migrated from Nepal,
Darjeeling and Sikkim in India.
All three ethnic groups migrated to Bhutan at different
points of time in history. There are other minority ethnic groups
having their own distinct characteristics in terms of language,
culture, and religious practices, such as the Adivasi/Uraon, Brokpa,
Bumthangpas/Mangdeps, Gongduk , Kurteop, Lepcha, Lhop/Doya, Monpa,
Tibetan. In terms of religion and faith, Bhutanese people practise
Hinduism, Christianity, Drukpa Kargyupa and Nyingmapa sects of Buddhism
and Animism.
( Please see Demography elsewhere in this website
to know about the ethnicity in Bhutan)
ETHNIC MOSAIC AND CULTURAL HARMONY
Bhutanese nation did not inherit a homogenous history.
It has a diverse past of multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious
identity. Its diversity represents a mosaic and not the American
‘melting pot’. Various ethnic groups and peoples have
lived in perfect communal, religious and ethnic harmony for centuries
in Bhutan. Never before, any instance of ethnic conflict, communal
or religious clash at the peoples level has occurred in Bhutan,
which has become the hallmark of many South Asian nations and destroyed
the very basic fabric of democracy in these countries. Tolerance,
co-operation and compromise, had been the basic values of Bhutanese
society. But since the 1980s the present Government has started
sowing the racial seeds among its people. It has formulated and
implemented a number of racist policies and programmes to depopulate
and evict the Lhotshampa citizens of southern Bhutan. It is the
present medieval, autocratic and despotic Government that has nurtured
racist and discriminatory practices and attitudes to perpetuate
in power. This has destroyed the very basis of existence of Bhutan
as a peaceful nation.
CULTURAL
ISOLATION OF POPULATION
The Royal Government of Bhutan, as a matter of population
politics has not published the actual population statistics based
on ethnicity, religion, language, culture and religion etc of the
country. Nevertheless ethnically, Bhutan can be divided into three
territories – North-western region inhibited by Ngalungs or
Drukpas; southern region inhibited by Lhotshampas and the eastern
region inhibited by Sharchops.
These ethnic groups for centuries have inhabited
in separate regions of Bhutan. Each ethnic group lived/lives in
a particular region. For example, the Lhotshampas live in southern
foothills, the Sharchops in north-eastern districts, Brokpas in
northern highlands and Kurteopas in high north-east, Khengs in central
parts, Bumthangpas in upper middle parts, Drukpas or Ngalungs in
North-western parts of Bhutan. They all live in cultural separation
from one another in different territorial regions.
Bhutan stepped out of its isolation in the mid-sixties,
when the first highway connecting Bhutan with India was constructed.
Until late seventies, the government restricted Lhotshampas and
other ethnic groups to buy and own landed properties and to build
houses in the capital and in the north-western districts where Ngalungs
lived. Even for in-country travel except for Drukpas, other ethnic
groups were required to take prior approval of the Home Ministry.
As a result there were less interaction between various ethnic,
linguistic or religious groups at grassroots level. Beside, there
were no lateral and feeder roads linking different districts and
communication between them was most difficult. Thus, they lived
in their traditional land in cultural isolation from other ethnic
groups.
Bhutan therefore, could not produce a composite or
integrated national culture. That may explain as to why there has
been less cultural, religious or ethnic interactions among the various
ethnic groups. Each ethnic group had their own intra-ethnic group
matrimonial alliances. Lhotshampas had a wide ethnic areas in Darjeeling,
Sikkim and Nepal to choose their spouse from. As a result many Lhotshampas
got their spouses from their own ethnic groups from these places.
The government is entirely to blame for its superstitious policy
which led to the cultural isolation of population.
However, the government suddenly wakes up in mid
1980s for the need of a national cultural identity and implements
a ridiculous ‘assimilationistic’ or ‘exit’ policy,
making several thousand people to suffer.
POLICIES OF FORCEFUL ASSIMILATION,
EXCLUSION AND EVICTION
The present political crisis in Bhutan owes its origin
to the fundamental weakness arising form the socio- political institutions
and feudal attitudes that cannot conceive of a national identity
based on anything other than narrow Drukpa ethnic considerations
and imposes Drukpa culture and values on a multi-ethnic society.
Bhutan is experiencing a government sponsored Drukpa
revivalist movement since eighties. It is aimed to restore and revive
Drukpa social virtues at the cost of all other social and ethnic
groups. Recent trends in the Drukpa revivalist movement also demonstrates
that it aims to purge the multi-ethnic, muti-cultural and multi-religious
Bhutanese society, which it thinks as unwanted cultural element
of foreign origin. ‘Ethnic cleansing’ of Lhotshampas is
a part of this movement. The Drukpa revivalism movement seeks to
reawaken Drukpa faith and revive former Drukpa customs and traditions
such as Driglam Namzha through the slogan of ‘One Nation, One
People’ by ‘cleansing’ other cultures. The imposition
of compulsory wearing of Drukpa dress and lifting of Nepali language
from school curriculum is an inalienable part of this revivalism.
All Bhutanese people are forced to accept the state
and Buddhism as synonymous. The notion that a traditional Bhutanese
Buddhist society will not revolt against the sacred religio-feudal
autocracy was developed by the autocratic government. The feudal
Drukpa government has imposed and prescribed strict adherence to
the set of Buddhist dogmas and beliefs among the diverse Bhutanese
population. As an aggressive Drukpa conservative movement, it excludes
and expels those who do not share its conservative faith or dogmas.
Drukpa fundamentalist attitude and traditions reflect the distrusts
of reason. Drukpa traditions such as Driglam Namzha is a part of
fundamentalism that seeks to restore a Drukpa mythical status quo
of Bhutanese society dominated by the Buddhist clerics and old customs.
Theocratic ideology of clerics and traditional elements are profound
in the administration and pose a challenge to Bhutan as a modern
secular nation-state. The role of Buddhism in Bhutan has direct
implication for Lhotshampas and other non-Buddhist minorities in
the multi-religious kingdom.
The state presented a Drukpanization policy apparently
designed both to undermine any unity of political opposition to
the regime and to prepare the way for eventual assimilation of non-Drukpa
groups of south and eastern Bhutan. Contrary to the official beliefs,
the nature of the regime’s policies has, however fostered religious,
cultural and linguistic solidarity among the Lhotshampas and Sharchops.
History is a witness that identity has not withered away, rather
the conditions under which diverse ethnicities share a common social
space have withered away.
The government sponsored cultural purification policy
consists of a series of laws passed in recent years, culminating
in a national dress code, national code of conduct and uniform language
requirements of Drukpa culture. Drukpa chauvinistic policy of a
common cultural identity has been designed to effect the removal
of the Lhotshampas’ and other ethnic groups’ distinct
cultural identity and ultimately causing their death. The government
through the policy of Drukpanization targeted for the annihilation
of the language, dress, culture, religion and customs practised
in southern and eastern Bhutan.
The government implemented a number of racist and
discriminatory policies, which it calls a national integration policy.
It consisted of the followings:
a.
One Nation One People Slogan
The government is pursuing a programme to make Bhutan
culturally homogenous through a policy it calls, ’One Nation
One People.’ The ‘One Nation One People’ policy of
the government stresses the need for a distinct ‘national identity’,
but does not envision forging this identity to encompass the diversity
of nations’ cultures.
The government ridiculously argues that “Pluralism
is only practical for a larger country where a diversity of customs,
traditions and culture enriches that nation. A small country like
Bhutan cannot afford the luxury of such diversity which may impede
the growth of social harmony and unity among its people”. This
speaks volumes about the hard-line posture of the Government against
different ethnic, cultural and linguistic groups.
In the name of national integration, the government
pronounced the slogan of 'One nation and One People' and implemented
the policy of Drukpanization of the whole country. The national
integration policy is nothing but the Drukpanization of diverse
Bhutanese population. The government through the implementation
of this policy sent clear messages to the Lhotshampas that either
get assimilated into Drukpa culture or get evicted.
The implementation of the concept of ‘One Nation
and One People’ to bring a heterogeneous people who are living
in perfect community harmony for centuries under ‘One People’
was uncalled for. This policy is not only likely to endanger the
existence of Bhutan’s heterogeneous groups and multi-ethnic
society but also to create ethnocentrism and divided nationalities
and balkanisation of the country itself. Its consequences are likely
to be felt in the whole of South Asia , which is the homeland of
hundreds of diverse ethnic, religious and cultural groups.
b.
Driglam Namzha
The government issued Driglam Namza decree of 1988.
It is a code of conduct or ethics of the feudal Drukpa society of
the north-west. It deals with matters such as how to eat, how to
sit, how to speak, how to dress and how to bow down before the authorities.
Under Driglam Namzha, the government proclaimed a dress code. This
dress code banned the wearing by men and women alike of all other
dresses than that of the Drukpas - 'Gho' for men and 'Kira' for
women. This is a robe-like dress. The dress code is being strictly
enforced with penalties imposed on offenders. The Drukpa dresses
were to be worn by all citizens in all places except at one's home.
The other ethnic groups have their distinct dresses such as Tibetans
have '‘Bakhu", Lhotshampas wear “Daura Suruwal”
etc. Moreover, the ‘Gho and Kira’ are heavy dresses suitable
only for cold weather of the north. The south has a humid and tropical
climate. The dress is not at all suitable for southern climate.
Driglam Namza is a ploy for cultural and ethnic cleansing
of Lhotshampa and state’s efforts of enslaving the Lhotshampas,
thus making them subservient to Drukpa ethnocentrism. Denial of
cultural diversity and imposition of forced national integration
policies through forced assimilation and racial discrimination have
created for the Lhotshampas a virtual apartheid of a Drukpa style.
c. Language Policy
English, Dzongkha, Nepali and Tsangla are the four
major languages spoken in Bhutan.. Each of the above languages has
its own constituency in terms of area and the population who speak
them. The Tsangla dialect is spoken by the Sharchhops of eastern
Bhutan. Dzongkha particularly is the language of Drukpas and is
spoken in the north-western districts. Nepali is spoken by the Lhotshampas
in he southern foothill districts. Besides, a dozen other dialects
are spoken in Bhutan.
Under the Driglam Namzha, the government lifted Nepali
language spoken by the Lhotshampas from the school curriculum in
February 1989. It banned the teaching of Nepali language in the
schools of southern Bhutan that had remained in school curriculum
for the last over thirty five years. Nepali is the mother tongue
of southern Lhotshampas. Teaching of Nepali had begun in 1950's
in the southern Bhutan schools much before Dzonkha, language, mother
tongue of Drukpas was introduced in the school curriculum in late
sixties. The government now has made Dzongkha language, the sole
national language.
It was politically motivated decision to remove Nepali
language and was understandably perceived as a strike against Lhotshampas.
Nepali is a lingua franca of Bhutan. It is a link language and the
medium of oral communication between different ethnic groups and
among the rural masses in Bhutan, who do not speak English. It is
understood in all parts of the country.
d. Change of the names of places
The extreme expression of Drukpa revivalism and Buddhist
fundamentalism has been manifest in the change of the name of the
places to wipe out the cultural traces of Lhotshampas from the state
memory. Thus, the Nepali names of places like Chirang, Sarbhang,
Samchi and Pinjuli in southern Bhutan were replaced with Drukpa
sounding names like ‘Tsirang’, ‘Sarpang’ ‘Samtse’
and ‘Penjoreling”
B. STATUS OF MINORITIES IN BHUTAN
A minority group constitutes a distinct ethnic, cultural,
religious, or linguistic characteristics. It need not necessarily
be numerically smaller than the rest of the population but should
be in a non-dominant position to require protection. No minority
should suffer mistreatment or discrimination of any kind. Members
of a minority group must be nationals of the state in which they
live. The right of the minority groups to exist cannot be overlooked
by others. Protection of minorities against discrimination and persecution
is one of the oldest concerns of the international law. All individuals
and groups have the right to be different, to consider themselves
as different and be equally protected by the states. Neither violence,
nor neglect of minority problems is an answer to the problem.
If the Drukpa rulers want to preserve their identity,
it is fine, but it should not be at the cost of other ethnic groups.
But the majority and racial Drukpa government infringed on the rights
of minorities. It has officially pursued a policy of economic, social
and political discrimination against minorities and persists as
a major source of tension and social disharmony between the state
and the minorities. The promotion and protection of the rights of
the persons belonging to the minority group contributes to the political
and social stability of Bhutanese nation-state and must be perceived
as an integral part of the development of Bhutanese society.
In the early seventies, the government deported several
thousand minority Tibetans from Bhutan for their political dissidence
against the king. During late eighties and early nineties, it has
evicted around 125,000 Lhotshampas for demanding their human rights.
Now, since last two years, the Royal Government of Bhutan has been
undertaking repressive measures against the ethnic Sharchhop population
in the eastern Bhutan, who are also demanding human rights. The
minorities can be grouped into the following:
1. Ethnic/Linguistic minorities : Ethnic minorities
consists of Adivasis, Brokpas, Bumthangpas/Mangdeps, Gongduks, Kurteops,
Lepchas, Lhop/Doyas, Lhotshampas, Monpas, Sharchops and Tibetan.
2. Religious minorities : Hindu, Christian,
Nyingmapa Buddhist and Animists are religious minorities. Bhutan
does not have Muslim population.
DISCRIMINATION
IN THE REPRESENTATION OF MINORITIES
The politically and economically dominant Drukpa
ethnic groups over the years virtually monopolised everything in
Bhutan- political, social, and economic powers, depriving the other
minority groups of their legitimate rights. In the context of Bhutan,
it is proper to refer to the Sharchops and the Lhotshampas as minorities
since they are deprived of all political, economic and social powers
in all walks of their lives along with numerically minority groups
such as the Brokpas, Doyas, Khengs, Mangdeps, Kurteops, Adhivasis
and Tibetans.
Bhutan’s National Assembly (Parliament) has
a total representation of 151 members constituting the representatives
of various constituencies viz. the clergy, the bureaucracy (basically
ruling community) and the people’s representatives from the
south, north and the east. There are 35 representatives from the
government, 10 from the clergy and the rest constitutes the peoples
representatives. The combined representation of the Drukpas to the
National Assembly is 77%. The Lhotshampas of the South is left with
only 14 seats. The other minority groups such as Brokpas, Doyas,
Tibetans, Adivashis etc. have no representation in the Parliament.
Since Drukpa community, has the largest share of representation
in the Assembly, they have used this clout to formulate laws which
are heavily biased against the minority groups. The laws only protect
and promote the interests of the ruling community.
DISCRIMINATION IN PARTICIPATION
The Lhotshampas are discriminatorily prevented from
participation in the national decisions effecting them. The government
programmes and policies do not reflect the interests of minorities.
The government thus, denies the rights of minorities under Article
5(1) of the UN Declaration on Minorities.
DISCRIMINATION IN EMPLOYMENT
AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS
The Lhotshampas and other minorities are denied the
right to equal employment opportunities and equal access to trade,
business and industrial activities to enable their economic progress.
Members of these groups are discriminated against in recruitment
and promotion in the civil services and do not have access to senior
government jobs. They are not awarded government contracts or supplies.
The government has therefore failed to take appropriate measures
to ensure that members of minorities can participate fully in the
economic life of the country, as is protected under Article 4.5
of United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging
to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities ( UNDM).
This certificate is discriminatorily implemented against Lhotshampa
in violation of Article 1 (2) of the UN Declaration on Minorities.
The minority groups have least opportunities and
access to business, trade and industry. They do not have good cultivable
lands also. Majority of them survive on ‘shifting cultivation”
and have no other sources of income. The government has done nothing
to improve their conditions. The extent of development benefit is
concentrated among the Ngalung community only. Higher posts in army,
police, bureaucracy and government are monopolized by the Ngalung
community. The representation of the minorities such as Brokpas
and Doyas, in the bureaucracy is nil. Other minorities such as Tibetans,
Adivashis, Khengs, Mangdeps have less than one percent representation
in the bureaucracy. There is not a single minister from these ethnic
groups. Likewise, they have not been appointed in the judiciary.
However, all low level jobs in the Army and Police are reserved
for these minority groups, the better posts are monopolised by the
Drukpas. The government actions violate Articles 2 (2) and 4 (5)
of the UNDM.
DISCRIMINATION IN EDUCATION
In 1990, the government introduced a discriminatory
rule requiring all Lhotshampa citizens to produce a ‘No Objection
Certificate’ issued by the police. But it was virtually impossible
for a Lhotshampa person to be granted this police clearance. Without
this certificate, a child cannot attend school. The Government of
Bhutan closed down all the schools in southern Bhutan. The government
thus, in effect, has denied the Lhotshampa children access to education,
violating Articles 1.2 and 4.4 of UNDM. The teaching in the Nepali
language has been banned, thus denying their rights under Article
4.3 of UNDM.
DENIAL OF RELIGIOUS RIGHTS
Bhutan is a multi-religious society. Buddhism, Hinduism
and Christianity are practised in Bhutan. Some in the remote north
are animists. Buddhism is the state religion and non-Buddhists suffer
political and social discrimination. Nearly 50 percent of the total
population of Bhutan are followers of Lamaistic Buddhism, 46.25
% percent are Nepali-speaking Hindu and Christians constitute two
percent of the population. The Lamaist Buddhist is divided into
two groups. The Drukpa Kargyupa, the King’s sect constitutes
around 16.24 % of the total population, while Nyingmapa Buddhist,
which constitute nearly 34.53 % percent.
Since eighties, the government is pursuing a policy
of converting all the minorities into Drukpa Kargypa Buddhism, as
practised by the ruling community. Even the Nyingmapa Buddhism has
become the subject of the state scrutiny. They also suffer discrimination
at the hands of the ruling Drukpa Kargyupa Buddhists. It has started
to destroy the Monasteries of Nyingmapa Buddhists in the east. The
government has appointed Drukpa Kargyupa Monks ( priest ) in the
place of Nyingmapa monks. The regime employs every means fair and
foul to achieve the Drukpanization of population.
Christians in Bhutan, who make up two percent of
the population, are facing some of the strongest opposition and
persecution by the government. Persecution against Christians is
now widespread and systematic, village by village. On Palm Sunday,
April 8, 2001, Bhutanese authorities and police went to churches
to register the names of believers. Many pastors were detained for
interrogation and threatened with imprisonment. Other believers
scattered for fear of being identified. Christians now face termination
of employment, expulsion from the country, cancellation of trade
licenses, and denial of all state benefits Penalties for practicing
the Christian faith include no free education for children, no free
medical facilities, no promotions, and no visas for travelling abroad,
and other restrictions. Christians are asked either to leave their
religion or leave the country. The young Christian are not issued
with the citizenship identity cards and they are on the verge of
loosing their right to nationality. In some places they are beaten
very badly. The fear is growing among believers. The campaign started
last year when the government began sending official forms to government
employees and private businesses demanding the Christians to sign
agreements to comply with "rules and regulations governing
the practice of religion." We have enclosed the newspaper clipping
and their web address at the end of this intervention. The practice
of Christianity by Bhutanese citizens was banned by a law of National
Assembly (Parliament) of Bhutan in 1969. Churches are not allowed
to be established in Bhutan. Even the chapels in private homes are
subjected to the Government scrutiny. For decades, the Christians
have not seen a church.
VIOLATION
OF CULTURAL RIGHTS
The government is pursuing a programme to make Bhutan
culturally homogenous through a policy it calls, ’One Nation
One People.’ The ‘One Nation One People’ policy of
the government stresses the need for a Drukpa national identity,
but does not envision forging this identity to encompass the diversity
of nations’ cultures.
The Lhotshampas have no right to wear their dresses.
They are forced to wear the Drukpa dresses. The government violates
the Lhotshampas right to enjoy their own culture. The names of places
reflecting their traditional culture have been replaced by Drukpa
sounding names. It has imposed a forceful assimilationistic policy
called `Driglam Namzha`. The Driglam Namzha policy is destroying
the cultural identities of Lhotshampa, Sharchhop and other minorities,
directly violating Article 2 (1) of the UN Declaration on Minorities.
We respect the political integration, but denounce the cultural
and religious assimilation.
DISCRIMINATORY LANGUAGE POLICY
Under the Driglam Namzha policy, the government lifted
Nepali language spoken by the Lhotshampas from the school curriculum
in February 1989. It banned the teaching of Nepali language in the
schools in southern Bhutan that remained in school curriculum for
last over thirty five years. Nepali is the mother tongue of southern
Lhotshampas. Teaching of Nepali had begun in 1950's in the southern
Bhutan schools much before Dzonkha, language, mother tongue of Drukpas
was introduced in the school curriculum in late sixties. The government
violates Articles 2(1), 4 (3) and (4) of the UN Declaration on Minorities.
The government has imposed Dzongkha language spoken
by the ruling community on all citizens. While Nepali has been removed
from the school curriculum after remaining in the syllabus for several
years. It is worth noting that, Dzongkha was introduced into the
curriculum much later than Nepali. The written Dzongkha, a derivative
of Tibetan, is being developed since 1980 only. Sharchhop language
is yet to have a script of its own. Failure in the Dzonkha language
in the exams disqualify a student for promotion to next higher grade.
Similarly, all aspirants to Civil Service must pass Dzongkha as
a compulsory paper in their exams. This rule favours Ngalung community
and has put several thousand students and the job seekers from other
ethnic groups in disadvantage
MINORITIES AND HEALTH
The minority groups have least access to health facilities,
as they are concentrated in the towns inhibited by the ruling Drukpas.
Many of them live in the houses with the pig sties underneath. They
lack good drinking water, educational facilities and gainful employment
opportunities. Hospitals are non-existent in the areas, where they
live.
DENATIONALIZATION
OF LHOTSHAMPAS
The right to nationality is the foremost right of
a citizen of a nation. No person can remain ‘stateless’
for ever. However, the government has implemented a discriminatory
Citizenship Act, 1985 targeting against the Lhotshampa minorities.
This Act has been responsible for denationalization of more than
125,000 Lhotshampa minorities. They were made ‘stateless’
over night by the government by manipulating various laws. The government
confiscated the citizenship certificates of hundreds of Lhotshampa
minorities. They were forcefully evicted as non-citizens and are
now compelled to live as refugees in Nepal and India.
The Lhotshampa refugees constitute around twenty
percent of the country’s total population. A large number of
Lhotshampa women and children are deprived of their husband’s
and father’s citizenship by the government. The government
has violated Article 1 (2) of the UN Declaration on Minorities by
adopting two standard of legislative measures on citizenship.
MINORITIES AND DEVELOPMENT
The Government has been initiating preferential developmental
activities. It is taking the development activities only in the
areas where the Drukpas are in majority. It has not done much to
develop health, education, transport, communications sectors in
the eastern, central and southern regions where Sharchops, Brokpa,
Kurteop, Kheng and Doyas live in poverty. Majority of them are illiterate
with out any access to health and education facilities. The government’s
economic development policies are discriminatory. These minorities
live in the abject poverty.
MINORITY AND (RULE OF) LAW
The rule of law is non-existent in the country. The
ruling Drukpas are more privileged than other minorities in terms
of law. They do not have to show their citizenship identification
papers in the police check posts through out the country, but other
ethnic minorities are required to do so.
The Royal Government of Bhutan represented by the
dominant Drukpa ethnic group discriminates against all other minority
ethnic groups. This aspect of the violation of minority rights are
seldom discussed while discussing about the violation of human rights
in Bhutan. Apart from the violation of human rights of minorities,
education, health, drinking water, transport and communications,
gainful opportunities, business, trade and industry are the major
areas where the government has deliberately deprived the minorities.
In a multi- ethnic society any effort of national
integration and national development may be conceived with all round
development of different ethnic groups. Bhutan is facing enormous
stress and strains in nation-building because of the lack of accommodating
social and political institutions and practices adopted by the current
political leadership. Equal and greater economic opportunities,
greater political participation, enhanced idea of common political
consciousness, minimum value consensus or compatibility and enhanced
concept of popular sovereignty, all contribute in building a strong
Bhutanese nation.
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