Research Proposal
Due to societal and educational barriers, societal and family pressures, financial difficulties, personal obligations, oppression experienced in many avenues of daily life, etc., higher education is frequently estranged from the lower classes and is unlikely to be a choice they are free to make. None of these barriers appear immediately alterable. Considering this, it is little wonder that many working class people do not attempt the trek of upward mobility. However, there are working class members who attempt to overcome the odds and pursue mobility via education, even in the face of such adversity. What do we know about those who defy the odds and successfully challenge the prevailing system of inequality by pursuing education in an effort to break the shackles of lower SES? What is noted in the literature regarding characteristics of high school achievers and Thompson’s study offers some insight, but even more questions are left unanswered.
Perseverance and desire to get a job can carry one just so far without ability. Moreover, if one simply desires to get a job, (s)he might simply check businesses, the employment security commission, or the want ads. To pursue a college education, one must have a general idea of a particular kind of job that requires a college degree and then aspire to that position or, as in the case with Thompson’s (1993) subjects, be sent to college by a government or some other agency. Aspirations, though very important, cannot fully explain the determinism needed to complete college degree requirements considering all the pressures and difficulties one must face in doing so. An internal locus of control may assist in giving one the belief that (s)he can change her/his situation and achieve success, but it cannot fully explain why one decides to pursue college over work. Motivation cannot fully explain one’s success, for many poor appear motivated to succeed (as noted above, they work hard almost every day of their lives hoping to ‘get ahead’) yet are often very unsuccessful in the world of labor, and most do not pursue higher education. Parental monitoring cannot fully explain college success, for most college students do not live at home under the watchful eyes of parents. Grades, while important to the successful completion of a degree and possibly prevent one from giving up and dropping out, do not explain what brings one to college. IQ and ability, though perhaps important to educational success, cannot fully explain the pursuit of higher education, for as already noted, many who have high abilities and IQs but low SES never attend college. Financial aid, an extremely important factor in perhaps convincing the working class person who desires to pursue education that (s)he will have that type of assistance and thus might be able to pay for a college education and then assist him/her in continuing, does not explain from whence the idea to pursue college and from whence the strength to succeed comes.
There must be something that encourages one to take this particular route, and there may be certain characteristics shared by those who ultimately succeed. Yet most of the existing literature overlooks all this. Just how does one of lower class origins realize that higher education is important and overcome the odds to realize success via that route--a route that is perhaps the only opportunity they have for upward mobility--in a system where the deck is clearly stacked against them?
Although I have found two studies which somewhat deal with success factors, both are somewhat limited and deal strictly with women. Further, as Colclough and Beck point out, the importance of some mobility for maintaining the legitimacy of a system that supports an ideology of equal opportunity must be more fully addressed by reproduction theorists. The literature in sociological studies on common threads of success in higher education, especially for working class men, is severely lacking and often leaves more questions unanswered than the reverse. Success is at least as important and merits as much consideration as failure, for only in finding out why some pursue such a route and succeed can we suggest a feasible path for others to follow and recommend changes where needed to assist those who travel the educational route. It is to this end that I offer the following observations and propose the following study:
The Proposed Study:
Major Questions Posed
The American achievement ideology is reinforced throughout elementary and secondary education, suggests MacLeod (1987) and Bowles and Gintis (1977), among others. Most teachers seem entrenched in the belief that if students work hard and get good grades, a brighter, more prosperous future awaits them (MacLeod, 1987; Kozol, 1991; and others). Teachers often use this notion with their pupils to motivate, encourage, and discipline them (MacLeod, 1987). However, evidence clearly shows that such achievement for the lower classes is most often the exception. Many lower class students realize the truth of this and drop out of the race before barely getting to the starting gate. In addition, working class tradition calls for youths to go to work or marry soon after graduating from high school (or upon dropping out) and make their ‘mark’ in the world.22 They are prepped in secondary education by curriculum tracking into vocational programs to this end and customarily fill the menial labor roles in society. Much of what is discussed and the questions posed in this section come from background reading as well as the above review of literature. In addition, much of what is discussed comes from an intimate knowledge of what it is like growing up as one of lower class origin, the knowledge of being ‘dirt poor’ and going without the many basic necessities that others enjoy and think nothing of--circumstances under which I still live but hope to change via higher education. Many questions posed come from analysis of the literature as well as an in-depth knowledge of circumstances and self.
For one of lower class origins to focus on the pursuit of higher education as their chosen route to success--despite the many barriers noted above such as leveled aspirations, low self-esteem/self-efficacy, etc., as well as nonacademic tracking in school, obtaining a lesser secondary education than their upper-class counterparts, and being sold a faulty bill of goods that induces them to get a job fresh out of high school (or before) and work hard so they can begin ‘climbing the ladder of success’ (they believe)--is often a major break with working class tradition and, as such, is perhaps a frightening proposition. There are many obstacles that the socioeconomically disadvantaged must face before achieving higher class status by means of education--obstacles that are often overlooked by teachers, school counselors, and outsiders in their encouragement of students to work hard so they might find a lucrative job or continue their education upon high school graduation. Though reaching either goal is possible and appears to work in theory, the literature attests that it is extremely difficult for one of lower origins to conquer overwhelming odds and realize true achievement. Considering this, from whence comes the idea to pursue education instead of joining the traditional ranks of one’s relatives?
Conventional wisdom tells us that society in general supports the notion that education is very important, and the literature confirms that the amount of education required for obtaining lucrative positions is increasing, but does the working class member who pursues higher education gain knowledge and receive reinforcement of this notion from family members/peer groups in every case? According to the literature, no. It is noted that some (but not all) lower class members have the encouragement and support of their families and friends to pursue education.23 Then for those who are not encouraged, from whence comes the idea that higher education is important and worth attempting? Does this idea come from a teacher, a family friend, reading, TV, or where? When does one begin to consider college a feasible alternative to the working class tradition, and why is it considered feasible considering the difficulties and pressures associated with being one of low SES? Does this notion begin in high school, in the lower grades, or at some other time in one’s life perhaps totally unrelated to school?
The working class oftentimes face overwhelming financial difficulties in their every day lives. Financial aid can assist in paying the cost of tuition, books, and school necessities, but one simply cannot help out with family obligations on even the maximum amount of financial aid awarded. Therefore, for someone of working class roots who has come ‘of age’ to go to school instead of work may often be perceived by family members and others in lower social classes as shirking financial and family obligations and an absurd choice.24 Thus, the attempt to continue one’s education may be met with responses ranging from bewilderment25 or mild criticism to downright disgust, rage, and sometimes ostracism.26 Even those who work and attend school may be criticized for their efforts by others who believe that one should work instead of spending money and ‘wasting time’ on higher education (or losing money by wasting time on high school or college).27 Thus, pressure to conform to class norms is often great. This undercuts moral and similar-class societal support from those with whom one normally identifies and may be a rather frightening prospect for one of lower class status, especially when considering how tight-knit and dependent upon similar-others lower class members generally are.28 In addition, the working poor often have difficulty meeting financial obligations due to lower income levels because of the lower wage jobs they must accept and/or their inability to secure work. (In addition to lack of education, work is often difficult to secure due to lack of job skills. These skills are taught at secondary and higher education levels, which many lower class members do not reach because they drop out of school or fail to continue their educations. And so, the cycle continues.)
Financial difficulties are not conducive to accomplishing educational goals. Overwhelming financial difficulties are more conducive to failure than success in all realms due to the stress that it creates and the sense of self-defeat engendered by not being able to fulfill one’s obligations. Without a doubt, one cannot attend college if one cannot afford to do so, and costs not only include tuition, books, and fees: one must have food, shelter, clothing, etc., and, as noted, there are often psychological costs as well when pursuit is met with ambivalence and/or animosity. Also, higher education can be an impossible task financially for those of low SES to undertake given that one's family can scarcely afford necessities. In many cases, parents are often unable or unwilling to carry the burden of their (adult) child through more years of schooling. Further, many people of lower SES origins observe the overwhelming defeats of families in their neighborhoods and/or those of their own family as well as often experience first-hand the taste of defeat of those who work hard yet remain well below the middle class level of pay--and those who do realize that prospects of a promising, prosperous future are bleak and dismal.29
Thus, an attempt to rise beyond one’s status by achieving an education is made less probable due to financial pressures and lack of support from those of similar backgrounds as well as other reasons. As previously noted, support from those of similar backgrounds is often much needed by those of lower origins. In the face of so many pressures, problems, and disappointments, from whence does one summon the initial strength necessary to break with tradition and go to college--especially if that decision is not encouraged or supported? After so much exposure to mediocre success or dismal failure in their surroundings, from whence springs the courage to take a chance on something new and untested (at least, for most lower class members)--college? From whence comes the strength to face financial difficulties created by attending college, emotional drawbacks such as those created by going against family tradition, and pressures caused by the demands of higher education?
Of those working class members who summon the courage and strength to break with tradition and challenge the odds, how many accomplish degrees? Considering the evidence in the literature, not many. Fewer still pursue graduate degrees: to date, I have found no figures on the percentage of working class members who pursue/achieve graduate degrees, but Jenkins et. al. note that approximately 10 percent of the total population pursue, and less than one percent achieve, graduate degrees.30 This leads me to ponder: what makes those who continue to the graduate level do so? Are they somehow different from others who do not continue to this level? What are the mechanisms that propel them toward this goal? What common threads can be identified among those achieving this high degree of educational success?
None of the questions I have posed are specifically addressed in the literature, but they appear to merit consideration when attempting to identify factors of success. There is a wealth of information found in the literature on inequalities and barriers that the poor encounter in their attempts to achieve upward socioeconomic mobility, barriers that are proven to supply the victuals essential to the intergenerational reproduction of social class. Even with equal education and IQ, lower class members do not normally procure salaries or positions equal to their upper class counterparts.31 Still, higher education is the best means that lower class people have to overcome the barriers of class and achieve upward mobility (although education notably contains many barriers and plays an immense role in social reproduction). Acknowledging all this and, in addition, acknowledging that social reproduction is the predominant theme in American society and social mobility is most often an exception, we must also acknowledge that, for whatever reasons, mobility is possible and does occur.32
Gaps in the literature between the extensive empirical research available identifying barriers and the mediocre amount regarding success factors indicate that the area of success warrants more attention. This suggests that there is merit to studying social reproduction in reverse which, in essence, means studying the mechanisms that contribute to lower class members achievement of upward mobility. This study is designed to explore the factors that lead working class members to pursue and succeed in one means purported to assist in the achievement of upward mobility, higher education. It is my purpose, through discovering factors of working class success, to expand existing literature somewhat and identify possibilities for future research. Only in finding common threads of success can those threads be used to help begin weaving a cloak of achievement, for in focusing on barriers and failures we merely find the reasons that many do not succeed--not how to help them find their way ‘up’ the difficult ladder of social/socioeconomic mobility. This study represents a step in that direction.
Although there are many questions posed in this study, these questions and likely others which do not lend themselves to identification at this point must be probed to get a more adequate picture and better understanding of success. The necessity of probing so many questions is made clear in light of the small amount of information found in the literature on working class successes. Therefore, this study will primarily be explorative in nature.
Method of Investigation
It is my goal to seek out students from different locations and thus enhance the scope of my research somewhat. A qualitative approach appears more beneficial for several reasons. First, there is already a wealth of quantitative data that often raises more questions than it answers. In addition, quantitative data do not fully describe the attitudes and behaviors involved in the pursuit of working class success, and we must explore and be able to describe the various backgrounds and factors leading to success in order to pose hypotheses based on possible success variables. Until such a description is made available, quantitative data appears of little value.
Although surveys are commonly and widely used to ask questions and gather answers, they do not lend themselves to identify important factors previously unidentified (and possibly not considered by the researcher) and immediately probe these factors. Further, when dealing with something as intricate as social class and culture issues, attitudes and/or behaviors are important and may be gleaned from observation yet remain hidden on paper. Thus, due to the kinds of information being sought and the benefit of observing attitudes and behaviors as well as immediately exploring factors perhaps yet unknown and previously unprobed, interviews appear better suited to the task at hand.
Specifically, I plan to interview students at differing levels of higher education in order to compare success factors at various levels in the education process. This will better enable me to discover if there are differing variables of success for those at different levels of educational pursuit/attainment. I will interview students either face-to-face or on the internet (via chat channels or email, though chat channels is preferable because there is one-on-one interaction and answers can be immediately probed). The interview sessions will be tape-recorded or logged (for those interviews which take place via the internet), and note taking will be minimally used for two reasons. First, a tape will assure that pertinent information that was given but not noted in the interview is not overlooked and/or forgotten. Second, by taping and only taking notes when necessary to note specific points of interest (i.e. body language that cannot be detected on an audio tape, etc.), then more attention can be given the interviewee and the task-at-hand of probing. Because most success factors noted in the literature describe successful high school students, many cannot be used in this study. However, those factors which can be adapted and applied to college-level students will be considered, but an open mind--and attention to subjects’ actions, attitudes, behaviors, etc., during the interview--is of utmost importance throughout the interview process so that all factors, including those formerly not considered, may be identified and probed.
Due to problems of confidentiality and a lack of funding and time, a random sampling method would be extremely problematic. Thus, a volunteer method will be employed. I will recruit subjects by the following methods:
I will place advertisements in the local college newspapers or place flyers in strategic, high traffic areas at each institution included in the study.33 In the ad/flyer, I will briefly describe the research and ask for volunteers from working class students. Prospective subjects may be long-distance and therefore will be offered a variety of ways in which to contact me (by phone, email, or Dr. Judkins can pass along messages to me) in order to defray costs for those with already limited funds. Each potential interviewee or that subject’s family must be of working class origins. One’s identifying oneself as working class or as having working class origins is crucial to this study, for if one does not identify with being part of the working class culture, then their input will be of little value to this study .
One item that must be addressed is the lack of a specific income stipulation for subjects in this proposal. The reasons that income will not be considered is as follows. First, the definition of working class in this study includes the working class, working poor, and underclass categories defined by Gilbert and Kahl (1993).34 Each category includes people of low-to-modest incomes. Accordingly, a subject’s income will be reflected by their inclusion in one of the categories, and requiring a set income would be of no further benefit. Further, income is a precarious way to classify people and designate their membership in a social class to begin with, because class is more a culture, a mindset, or a set of circumstances than one of income. Perhaps Langston (1995) describes this best:
"Class is more than just the amount of money you have; it’s also the presence [or absence] of economic security. ...class is also culture. As a result of the class you are born into and raised in, class is your understanding of the world and where you fit in; it’s composed of ideas, behavior, attitudes, values, and language; class is how you think, feel, act, look, dress, talk, move, walk; class is what stores you shop at, restaurants you eat in; class is the schools you attend, the education you attain; class is the very jobs you will work at throughout your adult life. Class even determines when we marry and become mothers [or fathers]. ...In other words, class is socially constructed and all-encompassing. When we experience classism, it will be because of our lack of money...and because of the way we talk, think, act, move--because of our culture." Langston, 1995, p. 102
In addition, the lower classes often fluctuate between economic levels. For this reason, including a restrictive income level may serve to complicate the task at hand. Therefore, subjects will not be restricted to a certain level of income because it appears that it is not needed and would be more of a hindrance than a help.
Subjects
The subjects for this study are working class students or graduates who attend community college, public and/or private four-year and/or graduate institutions. I will attempt to interview as many subjects as practical, but due to time and other constraints I may be restricted to interviewing no more than a total of 15-20 subjects.
The rationale for including various-level students is to have a body of information to compare/contrast: information from the literature on dropouts and successes will provide a backdrop with which to compare/contrast/identify overall success factors, and students at higher levels of education will serve as a comparison/contrast to those at lower levels in order to ascertain if there are common or differing motivations between the different levels.
The Major Variables
Working Class
The working class folk who will be included in this study:
The rationale for including members of all of the following classes in this study is that all fall short of the middle class ideal of American society, all share the common experience of being employed in less than secure, prestigious, lucrative occupations, and all often experience a greater amount and more severe social problems than the middle and upper echelon of American society. Further, restricting myself to only one or two of these categories of folks may severely restrict the availability of subjects and information I might glean. Further, there is no clear-cut, widely accepted definition of working class.
Working class, according to Gilbert and Kahl (1993), includes semi-skilled machine operatives, clerks and salespeople whose tasks are "routine and mechanized and require little skill beyond literacy and a short period of on-the-job training," and the better-paid persons in the service jobs. (p.314) The working poor are classified as unskilled laborers, most people in service jobs, and lower-paid factory workers (Gilbert and Kahl, 1993). The working poor "oscillate in income from just above to below the poverty line, they are threatened with periodic unemployment, or they have no chance to work at all;" many are working but are not earning enough money on a steady basis to bring them close to the mainstream style of consumption (Gilbert and Kahl, 1993, p. 315). According to Mincy and Weiner (1990), "There is a general consensus that the underclass is a population plagued with social problems." (p. 4) Social problems can include such things as crime, drug/alcohol abuse, teenage pregnancies, school dropouts, divorce and/or single-parent families (Mincy and Weiner, 1990). However, it can be argued that some or all of these conditions exist to a degree in the upper echelon of society as well. Some include conditions of extreme or persistent poverty in their definitions (Mincy and Weiner, 1990). Gilbert and Kahl (1993) note that the underclass are "Those who are seldom employed and are poor most of the time...Many suffer from low education, low employability, low income, and, eventually, low self-esteem." (p. 316) Many underclass members are members of minority groups, single mothers, and/or are welfare-dependent, say Gilbert and Kahl (1993). (p. 316) Social problems include:
a. Alcohol/drug abuse: This includes the subject’s and/or family member’s physical/psychological dependence on alcohol and/or any drug. This will be measured by a subject’s description of dependence; if the subject feels (s)he or a family member has a problem with or is dependent upon alcohol/drugs, then for the purposes of this study it is enough to designate usage as a problem. The rationale here is that if one defines something as a problem, then it is a problem at least for that person; further, by one’s designation of something as a problem, there has apparently already been some adverse effect on the individual in question.
b. Crime: This includes a subject’s/family member’s having a record of delinquency/criminal activity or any subject’s acknowledgment of their own or their family’s criminal activity whether or not the subject/family member in question has been caught, arrested, and/or convicted of breaking the law.
c. High rates of teenage pregnancy: This is straightforward. Teenage pregnancy simply indicates whether the subject or female family members have had pregnancies when in their teen years (or younger).
d. Dropouts: This includes the subject’s and/or family member(s)’ dropping out of high school. As noted in the literature, those of low SES have a higher incidence of dropout behavior.
e. Divorce: This includes the subject’s or family member’s propensity to divorce. The underclass reportedly has a higher incidence of divorce.
f. Single-parent families: This includes the subject’s being a member of a single-parent household or being a single-parent one’s self.
Students: This refers to working class students enrolled in college or those who have attained degrees. Since it is working class students who are being studied, they may work in addition to attending college. Thus, there will be no restriction to the amount of credit hours for which one is registered to be considered a student, only that the student be registered in college for at least one course and be pursuing a degree if one has not already been attained.
Interview Questions
These questions are intentionally open-ended so that there is more freedom for respondents to answer and the interviewer to probe answers which point to other, unanticipated relevant information; they are designed to serve simply as an interview guide. For the sake of the interview ‘process’ and to serve as a guide once the interpretation of data begins, I have listed questions into sections although sections may tend to overlap: each major question has "sub" questions below them which will serve as possible probes. However, questions will be posed with the realization that answers received may lend themselves to other, perhaps more specific probing questions than those listed, and some questions may not need to be asked. These interview questions are designed to explore the major questions raised from the review of literature above as well as those success variables in the literature that were adaptable to college students.
1. Tell me your full name, age, educational background, and occupational status (if applicable).
2. Describe your family life when you were growing up.
Describe your childhood: were you happy, sad, comfortable with your surroundings, dissatisfied, etc.? How many siblings are in your family? How many are older/younger than you? Describe what kind of house and community you grew up in. What kind of people lived in the community? Describe the culture and atmosphere of the community; of your family. Describe your friends. Did they seem to share your interests? Do you recall your mother/father emphasizing that education should be a primary goal in life?
3. Describe your life at school in childhood and adolescence.
Overall, did you feel that you learned a great deal and were challenged, or did you feel bored? What kind of grades did you receive? Did you have any problems in school--did you skip school a lot, get into trouble for misbehaving, were you suspended or expelled at any time? Did you participate in school activities? If so, what kind? Did you participate in any after school activities? What kind? Did your parents seem interested in how you were doing in school? Explain. Did your friends seem to do well in school? Explain. Did most of them graduate high school? Did most of your siblings graduate? Did you? Why or why not? Did you and/or your friends share an interest in college? Did any of your friends go to college? Do you know what types of jobs they now have or if they are still in school? Have any of them have graduated? Have any of these friends succeeded in becoming/doing what they wanted? Did any of your siblings go to college? Have they graduated? What did you want to be when you grew up? Did college figure into the picture at that time? Were your friends’ occupational interests similar? What kind of work did your parents do when you were a child? How about now? Did your parents appear to have plans for you when you grew up? If so, what were they? Did they seem to think that you should go to college? How far did your mother/father expect/encourage you to go in school?
4. When do you first recall thinking of entering college? Why then, particularly?
Describe the circumstances that spurred your interest in advancing your education--what made you decide that a college education was particularly advantageous? Do you recall your mother/father stressing that you should have an occupation/career to succeed in life? Who, if anyone, encouraged you to think about a career? Was there anyone in particular--relatives, a school counselor/teacher, anyone else--who seemed supportive of your efforts in education or who encouraged you to go to college? Who, and how were they supportive? Has anyone tried to discourage you from attending college? Who/how? Why do you think they did this? Do you feel that you ‘owe’ your friends/family for the help they have given you while you have been in college? What do you think helped you to make the final decision to go to college--or was there ever any room for doubt that you would go? Was going to college a very frightening thought or were you comfortable with undertaking this task? Describe what you remember about how you felt and what you thought when you made the decision that you would enter college.
5. Are there any particular barriers that you have encountered that have made studying or stay in school especially difficult?
Do you encounter problems--financial, familial, peer, educational, etc.--in your everyday life that makes studying and/or staying in school difficult? What are they? How do you deal with these? Do you feel that these problems ever affect your schoolwork and/or grades? Explain. What kind of grades do you make? Do you ever think that it would be easier to just forget school and to go to work? Who pays your college tuition and fees? Are you now receiving financial aid? How helpful do you find it? How important is receipt of this aid to your completing college? Did you know that you might be eligible for financial aid to help with the cost of education before attending college? If so, did this play a part in your decision to attend college? Did someone tell you of this aid or did you discover it on your own? Who/how? Does your family look to you to help out financially at home? If so, how do you handle this? Do you work?
6. What was college like for you in the beginning? Describe your feelings and experiences.
Did you feel comfortable--like you belonged, or did you feel somewhat "out of place"? Why? If you had a particularly frightening, lonesome, or bothersome transition, what helped you to overcome these feelings and "hang in there"?
7. What keeps you motivated to stay in college?
How dedicated are you to achieving a degree? Why? What exactly is in all this for you, or is there--does there have to be--a reason to keep going? What keeps you focused? Does your family strongly support your attending college? Describe how they do or do not support it. Is there anyone in college--a professor, an advisor, anyone--who seems to encourage you in your educational pursuit? How and/or why do you think they do? How do you feel about your efforts to achieve a degree? Does achieving a degree bring you a sense of pride, security, emotional pain, or what? Do you believe yourself to be as intelligent as everyone else in college? Why or why not?
Complete the following sentence that best describes how you would feel if you failed one of your courses. I would:
a. be devastated, possibly to the point of deciding to drop out of college.
b. be ashamed and afraid of taking the course again because I might fail a second time, so I might try to find a way out of it.
c. be bothered and/or disappointed, but I would continue on as planned and retake the course at a later time.
8. How much success do you expect to achieve?
What was your beginning college goal(s)? Has that changed at all since you have been in college? Why and/or how? How far do you think you will pursue education--how many degrees do you intend to achieve? What, if anything, could dissuade you from those intentions? What are your future career goals? When you began your education career, did you expect to make it this far? Why or why not?
9. Is there anything I haven’t asked that you’d like to tell me or that you think might be of help to me in my research?
Next Section (The Study)