The Study
Method:
Due to a lack of funding, difficult identification of specifically working class males (many people assume that, if they work, they are working class—others flatly refuse the recognition of such a label), my own personal health problems during the interview stage of this research, and problems of confidentiality (had I used any means other than advertising and requesting males to identify themselves to me—i.e., attempting to go through the financial aid or registrar’s office to identify working class males), my interviews were all conducted online in IRC—Internet Relay Chat. I have been an ‘op’—an operator (a status of responsibility within a specific channel given to ‘regulars’—people who frequent the channel—to maintain channel order and stability) on an IRC chat channel for the past four years. At the time I began to chat, it was for purely personal reasons—with my health as it was at the time, it was my only social outlet. Over the course of becoming a ‘regular’ and getting to know others online, I began to see how this community could offer many beneficial interview subjects with an added benefit of being able to ‘log’ conversations (save a copy each conversation in a text file) so that additional time normally spent transcribing interviews and categorizing data was unnecessary, or at least greatly decreased.
There are potential major drawbacks to this method which should be addressed here. First (and perhaps foremost), without extensive exposure to the world of online chat—its special ‘language’ and the individuals with whom one chats-it is possible that performing research there is merely a farce because there are a people online who use the medium as a fantasy world and refuse to reveal any factual-based information about themselves for whatever reasons but rather reveal only what is prudent to the ‘character’ they’re portraying at the time. I overcame this hurdle by being online for two years before ever attempting to interview my first subject or discussing my research with those with whom I chatted. All but two of my subjects are males I knew for two or more years prior to their participation in this study; I knew all the males at least six months prior to interview time, and I met several of them ‘in real life’ as well. In short, I knew those whom I interviewed to be honest, forthright individuals. The second drawback is the lack of body language normally visible in face-to-face coversations. There are ‘remedies’ to this problem, and those who have chatted awhile know how to express themselves visually (through the use of smiley faces, exclamation points for stress or excitation, capital letters for shouting or stress, etc.). Further, good rapport was well established with all subjects. Though perhaps not quite the same as face-to-face interviews, the lack of observable body language did not apparently affect my research adversely. Finally, it has been brought to my attention that there is a misconception about those who use online chat—that those who chat may be construed as members of the upper echelon simply because they have access to computers and the internet. While there is, in fact, some members of the upper echelon found on IRC, the population as I find it appears to be overall representative of the general population. IRC is to modern day American society much as CB (Citizen’s Band) and Ham Radio was to American society in the ’60s, ’70s and ’80s: most folk on IRC are working- or middle- class, but upper- and lower- (under-) classes are represented there as well. The major differences I have found between IRC and CB Radio is that typing sometimes replaces voice (though not always—there are many voice programs available), and one can more easily converse with others all over the world as well as more easily and quickly share personal photo images. Overall, I found IRC a wonderful way to perform interviews due to the convenience and the fact that it offered me a much more diverse sample than one to which I would ordinarily have had access under the circumstances.
Subjects:
I interviewed a total of eleven (11) subjects in various stages of educational pursuit; nine (9) subjects completed the interview—two did not complete due to inaccessibility of internet usage and personal (health) reasons. All subjects were classified as white males—one is actually biologically Hispanic, but his birth certificate shows him as a white male and his socialization is that of a white male. Subjects were between the ages of 29 and 44. Of these eleven, six are college graduates and five are non-graduates: five of the men have Bachelor of Arts degrees and two have Associate degrees; none have graduate degrees although one subject has begun working on a Master’s degree. Of those who have not graduated, two subjects still attend college (sporadically); one of these is working towards an LPN degree. One subject is a mayor who attended college but dropped out with no plans of ever returning; one subject dropped out of college due to lack of financial resources just one semester shy of earning his Associate degree (and he isn’t certain he will ever return to school because he has lost most of his credits and still doesn’t have the financial resources to return); and one subject had dropped out of college but earned a technical certificate (he longed to return to obtain an AA but couldn’t for financial reasons). One subject has begun the Master’s program but has taken time off due to lack of financial resources—he states that he intends to attain a Master’s and PhD. Two subjects had been sexually abused as children, two others had been physically abused, and at least six subjects were (obviously) psychologically/emotionally/verbally abused.
Findings:
Due to the small sample size, this section contains only factual results (not conjecture or statistical data).
Five men reported having "intellectual" or "gifted" friends at early ages although three of these said they "didn’t recognize the intellectual ability" of their peers until they began high school with them. All but one subject were loners at various points in their childhoods, however all but three of the eleven men are still loners—nine are very introverted if not fundamentally withdrawn.
All eleven subjects felt they were of at least equal intelligence to college peers. Most felt they were more intelligent than their college peers (this observation/belief was based upon peer behaviors, not grade or IQ comparison). All eleven subjects were reportedly above average IQ levels—eight were notably well above average IQ (based on IQ tests—all appeared highly intelligent based upon the level and depth of our conversations and their reasoning capabilities).
Nine subjects attended ‘working class schools’ in lower and middle grades (community schools where students were predominantly of working class roots and the school was notably authoritarian) while two subjects began school in middle class neighborhoods/schools and then switched to working class neighborhoods/schools by junior high level. These two noted marked differences in the two types of schools, from building structure and appearance to availability of materials as well as differing teaching styles and abilities. Three subjects attended parochial schools in the early or middle grades, and one attended an experimental, innovative, middle class high school.
All subjects reported being taught the importance of learning/education at early ages (and most noted a "love of learning" instilled at very young ages) by some family member—usually a parent or grandmother. Most (nine) received good grades throughout early and secondary education; all eleven received excellent grades in college. The two who received mediocre grades in early and secondary school did so because school "bored" them and they "were very unchallenged;" hence, neither completed homework assignments and received low grades as a result (although both scored above the 25th percentile on SATs). Virtually none of the subjects felt challenged in elementary school; one subject reported that he "learned in spite of, not because of school." Only one subject reported feeling challenged at the secondary level—this was notably due to a "new, innovative high school" he attended that was student-designed and which depended heavily on student feedback. Overwhelmingly, the subjects reported that they didn’t have to work (study) while in lower education. This created a problem for half of the eleven men when they began college: they reportedly "found [themselves] having to study for the first time" and did not know how. The other half reported not having to study even in college because it was "so easy."
All eleven men stated that they knew they "wanted to at least be something other than a manual laborer" when they grew up and hence "figured college would be necessary," although the point at which some realized this differed. Six subjects noted that their attending college "was a given" from the time they began elementary school. Even though college was not "pushed" in all cases, it was at least discussed or mentioned at some point although in three cases college wasn’t mentioned until the subject was in high school. Several of the parents (three of the fathers and one mother) discouraged their sons from attending college, and three of these parents actually told their children they would "never make it [in college] because [they had] never succeeded at anything in their lives." Of these three subjects, one dropped out of college "due to financial difficulties," one attends college sporadically, and one graduated "in spite of" his father—"just to prove him wrong."
Three men had a parent with a college degree (in no case did both parents have a college degree); in all three cases, the mother had gone back to school once her children had reached adolescence. All of the men’s mothers had earned high school diplomas while most fathers had at least a GED; only one father held an advanced (technical) certificate.
None of the subjects had college contacts (faculty members, staff, and advisors) who encouraged them to continue in college or pursue advanced degrees. Five of the men reportedly had guidance counselors in high school who discouraged their attending college. The two who received mediocre grades (although scoring above the 25th percentile on their SATs) were informed by their high school counselor that they would "never receive scholarships" and "shouldn’t pursue college". Based on this advice, both men enlisted in the military only to receive full ROTC scholarship offers and offers of admittance to West Point and the Citadel shortly before graduation: both had to decline all offers and fulfill their contracts with the military. One of these men attained a BA while in the service; the other begun college after fulfilling his military service requirement only to drop out a semester before achieving his degree (due to financial difficulties).
All subjects reported having a desire for more knowledge, but only half said they think they’ll "go any further" than they already have in college. One subject has neither desire nor motivation to pursue further formal education although he is an avid reader and has an apparent hunger for knowledge; he notes that he will go back to school "only if an employer requires it and pays for it". This individual specifically devalues the current education system and abhors credential inflation, but he has a BA degree (fully funded by the military) and enjoys a lucrative career.
All subjects enthusiastically proclaim they would have completed their degree programs and obtained degrees and/or continued on with college pursuits further had they had adequate financial assistance. Most worked while going to college, and all but one subject had families (wives—all but one of these ten subjects also had children) to care for while attending college. Half received veteran’s benefits to pay for tuition, but this was reported as not helping to cover ALL costs of attending college—i.e., it did not help out with essential family expenses or the cost of living while attending school. One had the entire cost of his degree program paid for while in the service and two attended college on the GI Bill, but none of the others in this research received any other kind of financial assistance while attending college.
Only two subjects reported feeling comfortable with their college peers. Both of these said they had "done the party scene and almost flunked out" as a result before "coming to [their] senses" and getting more serious about their college work. One blames his "partying" for his nonacceptance into graduate school (his GPA was adversely affected); the other dropped out of college for other reasons and waited a few years before going back to achieve an AA degree (his original goal was a BA). All the other males in this research felt "out of place" in college and socialized minimally or not at all with their college peers.
Virtually all eleven men reported experiencing some type of "extraordinary problems" while in college. These problems ranged from extreme personal illness to various family/domestic problems to overwhelming financial difficulties; the problems were reportedly so severe that they interfered with subjects’ grades to the point of three men failing several courses. Ultimately, it was financial burdens that caused those who dropped out to do so; those who persisted and attained degrees found the financial resources to continue-whether or not they had moral support. Overwhelmingly, financial support and the desire to "better [their economic] situations" were noted as keeping those who achieved degrees motivated in continuing their pursuits.
The nine subjects completing the interview completed the following sentence choosing the best choice among the following answers: Complete the following sentence that best describes how you would feel if you failed one of your courses. I would:
a. be devastated, possibly to the point of deciding to drop out of college.
b. be ashamed and afraid of taking the course again because I might fail a second time, so I might try to find a way out of it.
c. be bothered and/or disappointed, but I would continue on as planned and retake the course at a later time.
All eleven subjects chose answer ‘c’ although three requested to "modify" their choice. All three of these said they would be "devastated" if they failed a course (two of these had indeed previously failed at least one course due to outside problems), but all noted they would continue as planned and retake the course at a later time. Although only these three noted they would feel devastated upon failing, nine of the eleven men interviewed have apparent overall low self-esteem and/or self-image problems.
Overwhelmingly, increased job potential/increased pay was the compelling reason subjects reported considering higher education and finally chose to begin college. Although six subjects noted that they were ‘expected to attend college’ (or that it was "assumed" they would attend college by their parents/families), the prominent reason given for this expectation was increased financial/job opportunities-even among those who reported a "love of learning". All subjects considered self-satisfaction more an afterthought and not an important motivation to attain degree(s). Rather, each subject reported being strongly motivated by "the will to better [his] economic situation." Most of the subjects are reportedly "trying to establish [their] career[s]"—including those subjects 40 years of age and older. All eleven men are presently in varying stages of their careers, but only two have achieved recognizable economic success: one of these has achieved reasonable economic success despite holding a degree (BA) in something totally unrelated to his occupation and the other (who has achieved economic success to the point of owning several companies and having immense material wealth) has no degree whatever. One subject who holds a BA from a prestigious university is a cashier at a local supermarket. These findings apparently agree with Jenkins, et. al. and others’ reports that equal credentials do not assure equal outcomes. Three of the men have "resigned [themselves] to the ‘fact’ that they’ll never get any further" in their careers-one of these has committed suicide.
Discussion:
Evidence clearly shows that educational achievement and the implied financial success that results from such achievement is most often the exception for those of lower class origins. As noted in the literature, many lower class students realize the truth of this and drop out of the race before barely getting to the starting gate. Further, working class tradition calls for youths to go to work or marry soon after graduating from high school (or upon dropping out) and/or undertake employment to make their ‘mark’ in the world. The subjects I interviewed confirm this work ‘tradition’—although males are not always pushed into immediate marriage, they are definitely pushed out of parents homes soon after graduation. As one father told his son, "You can go to college or the service, but whatever you do you have to leave MY house."
Further, working class members are prepped in secondary education by curriculum tracking into vocational programs to this end and customarily fill the menial labor roles in society. Virtually every one on my subjects realized this trend in their educations before ever reaching high school, and each one reported making a conscious choice to "do something better" than menial labor. Although some used the military as a way to finance their higher educational pursuits and hence served in the military before attending college, each of these men recognized that higher education was the means to achieve this goal. Three subjects followed the work tradition and entered the workforce (two other subjects did so after fulfilling their term of active duty in the military) only to find menial, low-paying jobs. All five men then realized that they "needed the paper" and enrolled in college: of these, only two attained degrees. Further, schools were notably quite unchallenging and boring among all eleven subjects I interviewed as well as many others with whom I’ve discussed ‘lower’ education. For those (few) who got involved in their own educations by high school level and were allowed to exercise some decision-making and participation in the curriculum and classroom, the desire for knowledge and motivation to push forward was overwhelmingly renewed and the hunger for knowledge restored. This appears an area that could richly benefit from further research.
For one of lower class origins to focus on the pursuit of higher education as their chosen route to success—despite the many barriers noted such as leveled aspirations, low self-esteem/self-efficacy, etc., as well as nonacademic tracking in school, obtaining a lesser secondary education than their upper-class counterparts, and being sold a faulty bill of goods that often induces them to get a job fresh out of high school (or before)—is often a major break with working class tradition. However, it appears that a parent or some family member of each subject in this research believed a break with that tradition necessary to afford the subject an opportunity to achieve upward economic mobility. There are many obstacles that the socioeconomically disadvantaged must face before achieving higher SES by means of education—obstacles that are often overlooked by teachers, school counselors, and outsiders. Though reaching this goal is possible and appears to work in theory, the literature and this research attest that it is extremely difficult for one of lower origins to conquer overwhelming odds and realize true achievement. Considering this, from whence comes the idea to pursue education instead of joining the traditional ranks of one’s relatives? In all eleven interviews in this research, this idea came from a parent (normally not both parents) or some family member—primarily a grandmother or aunt. Further, for working class members higher education is neither a goal pursued just to satisfy a hunger for knowledge nor something undertaken for cultural/social purposes: for one of working class origins, there must be some promise of increased employment opportunities/earning potential associated with higher education—and even then the journey may be a long, difficult one. Although often alluded to in existing literature, in my mind this issue is not adequately addressed or explored. This leads me to ponder: given today’s emphasis on education and the fact that opportunities in the workforce are nil or nonexistent without education beyond high school, is higher education still a right of the privileged few who can afford to pursue higher education—or should higher education be a right of all citizens? If it is, in fact, a right, then why is higher education not more accessible to those of lower SES—not the underclass, for there are programs to assist them (albeit inadequate ones), but rather those of working class origins who find themselves tightly entrenched in the gaps of the system? How might higher education be made more financially accessible and available to working class members? This should be explored and addressed if we are to truly make our division of labor more accessible to all qualified individuals.
Conventional wisdom tells us that society in general supports the notion that education is very important, and the literature confirms that the amount of education required for obtaining lucrative positions is increasing, but does the working class member who pursues higher education gain knowledge and receive reinforcement of this notion from family members/peer groups in every case? In my findings, there was no significant peer group encouragement until such time as the one subject who received this encouragement was already attending college, but some family member stressed the importance of education to each subject in this research. This appears to suggest that there needs to be a major effort on the part of schools and families to drive home the importance of obtaining the credentials necessary to find suitable employment to all students-instead of maintaining the current system of curriculum tracking and discouraging many working class students from pursuing college.
When does one begin to consider college a feasible alternative to the working class tradition, and why is it considered feasible considering the difficulties and pressures associated with being one of low SES? Does this notion begin in high school, in the lower grades, or at some other time in one’s life perhaps totally unrelated to school? Six of the eleven subjects I interviewed had the ‘notion’ of attending college instilled in them at young ages (by the time they were through the sixth grade). Three of the remaining five subjects realized by high school age that they needed to find a way to finance college so that they could attend; all three of these joined the military after graduation, and only one of these achieved a (BA) degree. The remaining two subjects realized only after not entering the workforce that college might give them an edge otherwise unattainable: neither of these two were able to complete their programs and attain a degree.
For one of working class roots who has come ‘of age’ to go to school instead of work may be perceived by family members or others in the lower social strata as shirking financial and family obligations and an absurd choice, as noted by three of my subjects. Thus, the attempt to continue one’s education may be met with responses ranging from bewilderment or mild criticism to downright disgust, rage, and sometimes ostracism. One subject’s cousin simply could not understand why he would choose to "waste time going to school when [he] could get a union job;" the subject was cut-off from contact with that part of his family as a result of his refusal to go to work instead of pursuing an education. Even those who work and attend school may be criticized for their efforts by others who believe that one should work instead of spending money and "wasting time" on higher education (or losing money by wasting time on high school or college). This pressure to conform to class norms is often great and undercuts moral and similar-class societal support from those with whom one normally identifies. Hence, as was the case with three of my subjects as well as myself, some working class members who choose to pursue education do so alone—or with very little moral support or encouragement.
Working class members often face overwhelming financial difficulties in their every-day lives. While financial aid can assist in paying the cost of tuition, books, and school necessities, one simply cannot help out with family obligations on even the maximum amount of financial aid awarded. This was overwhelmingly supported by all eleven of my subjects and is something of which I have first-hand knowledge. Financial difficulties are not conducive to accomplishing educational goals for various reasons. Overwhelming financial difficulties are more conducive to failure than success in all realms due to the stress that it creates and the sense of self-defeat engendered by not being able to fulfill one’s obligations; this was borne out by all five subjects who ended up withdrawing from college. The effects of a lifetime of such self-defeat were perhaps most apparent in the subject who committed suicide.
Without a doubt, one cannot attend college if one cannot afford to do so—and costs not only include tuition, books, and fees: one must have food, shelter, clothing, etc., and, as noted, there are often psychological costs as well when educational pursuit is met with ambivalence and/or animosity. Also, higher education can be an impossible task financially for those of low SES to undertake given that one's family can scarcely afford necessities. Only two of the eleven subjects I interviewed noted financial contributions by their parents; however, contributions were in the form of "extra spending money"—the amount was not enough to assist with the costs of education. As noted, five subjects withdrew from college due to overwhelming financial problems. Most students simply cannot allow themselves or their families to go without basic necessities ‘just’ to attend school. I personally experience the guilt associated with this choice: perhaps if I quit school and went back to work my own family would not suffer for lack of medical care or nutritional meals as we do now. However, after having tried this approach (after attaining an Associate degree), I cannot honestly say that we would be any better off than we are now either. I receive financial aid to attend college; my estimated family contribution (EFC) is 0, as our income level is below national poverty level (although my husband "makes too much money" for us to receive public assistance.) While financial aid covers my tuition, fees, and cost of books, there is rarely a sufficient amount left to cover transportation, medical care, food, shelter, clothing, or any other basic necessities. These are simply "my own concern," and even though most of my financial aid is in the form of loans I will have to pay back, I don’t receive enough to address some of the most basic human needs because I choose to pursue a college degree rather than work (for me to work in addition to pursuing a degree isn’t possible because of my health—yet I cannot afford adequate medical care to prove I am disabled). Further, the university I attend has the authority to limit the amount of loans, grants, scholarships, and all other aid I can receive—they make the decision as to how much money I "should" need based on their own criteria. Even if the amount they acknowledge I need is a somewhat palatable amount so as to assist with necessities, "the amount of aid [they] are allowed to offer is limited" to far below this amount.
The attempt by a working class member to rise beyond one’s SES by pursuing higher education is made less probable due to overwhelming financial burdens/pressures and lack of support from those of similar backgrounds as well as other reasons. Considering this, from whence comes the strength to face financial difficulties created by attending college, emotional drawbacks such as those created by going against family tradition, and the pressures caused by the demands and stress of higher education? From those I have interviewed, financial difficulties are the straw that breaks the camel’s back—only those able to find financial support to continue do so regardless of any other factors. Most are unwilling to suffer without basic necessities in order to pursue education. This is understandable. Although I was once a member of the working poor and finally obtained a middle class position upon graduating community college, I then became a member of the working poor again to continue my education. Even so, I had no idea exactly what that would entail. Yet in spite of the overwhelming problems I have encountered, I have persisted where others have given up. Why? I believe this question merits some discussion at this point. The answer is multi-faceted. First, I consider my pursuit of education as a benefit not only to myself but also of great benefit to my family in various ways. Hopefully, by my example, my children and grandchild(ren) will understand the value of education. Further, increased earning potential and the opportunity to secure better employment once I have completed my education will benefit everyone—whereas had I given up college and returned to work, the time and hard work I have put into my education thus far would be wasted with NO chance of increased potential, and my family would be none the better for my effort. Also of great importance, I believe, is the fact that I have a hunger for knowledge which runs deeper than personal material needs even though my pursuit was greatly delayed (because I could not allow my children to suffer without basic necessities for me to satisfy that hunger.) Finally, with the health problems I now experience I view education as the only available alternative if I hope to find career opportunities so that I will be able to function as a productive citizen in the future.
None of the questions I posed in this research were specifically addressed in the literature, but they appeared to merit consideration. There is a wealth of information found in the literature on inequalities and barriers that the poor encounter in their attempts to achieve upward socioeconomic mobility—barriers that are proven to supply the victuals essential to the intergenerational reproduction of social class. Even with equal education and IQ, lower class members do not normally procure salaries or positions equal to their upper class counterparts. This fact was represented in my research as well: only two of the eleven subjects I interviewed have achieved recognizable upward financial mobility. One of these has a Bachelor’s degree in a totally unrelated subject and one has no degree whatever—while one subject who holds a degree from a prestigious university is employed making minimum wage as a cashier in a local supermarket.
Even so, higher education may the best means by which those of lower SES have to overcome the barriers of class and achieve upward mobility given today’s emphasis on higher education—even though the education system itself contains many barriers and plays an immense role in social reproduction. Acknowledging all this and, in addition, acknowledging that social reproduction continues to be the predominant theme in American society and that social mobility is most often an exception, we must also acknowledge that, for whatever reasons, mobility is possible and does occur as noted by Colclough and Beck (1986) and others as well as shown in this research. Conceding that my sample size is a small one, the interviews--although not exhaustive--were nonetheless extensive. Much of my research brings to light even further questions that should be addressed and appear worth further exploration. It is my hope that graduate studies can assist me to further define, narrow, and explore such areas and help me to better identify and understand the mechanisms which help to weave common threads in the cloak of achievement.
Thanks for reading my thesis! Please drop an email to let me know what you think or send suggestions, leads, etc...I plan to continue my research at the graduate level & really appreciate your time & help!
