Footnotes:
1MacLeod changes the names of people and places to protect his subjects’ anonymity.
2 Although the term "lower" class/origin(s) is used for descriptive purposes in this thesis to describe those of low SES, it is not intended as derogatory in any way, nor does it imply that those of low SES are any "lesser" people than those of middle or high SES.
4 Tables 1 and 3 in the Appendix
6 These findings will not be discussed at length in this review because, while there is merit to the findings, most working-class members who achieve degrees do procure more lucrative, prestigious jobs than would have otherwise been attained. This lends support to the contention that education enhances lower class ability to experience upward socioeconomic mobility, albeit unequally. However, this inequality is a topic in itself and thus will not be explored here except to be noted as a barrier or deterrent to working class members’ pursuit of higher education. For Bowles and Gintis’ (1976) findings on this, refer to Graph 1 in the Appendix.
7 Further, Bowles and Gintis (1976) contend that higher education is stratified according to income; Graph 2 in the Appendix.
9 The authors note that these conclusions were found through their analysis but were based on marginal distributions not included in the paper.
10 See Colclough and Beck’s table of percentages, Table 4 in the Appendix.
11 This is because of the inequalities in the division of labor even when IQ and Education are equal; Graph 1 in the Appendix.
15 The effects scheme that Vanfossen et al. applied to track location. Vanfossen et al. note that the statistical impacts on R2 are the same regardless of the type of coding used.
16 MacLeod changed the names of subjects and locations to protect his subjects’ confidentiality.
17 For a more tangible representation of the earnings for each member in the two groups, see Graph 3 in the Appendix.
19 Tables 1 and 3 and Graph 2 in the Appendix.
20 Though not explored in the review of literature, the idea of the American working class buying into the meritocratic ideology, their motivation and dedication to working hard in order to ascend the ladder of success in their jobs has been well documented by, among others, MacLeod, 1987; Ryan and Sackrey, 1984; Rubin, 1976; and Sennett and Cobb, 1972.
21 These percentages are gleaned from Sewell and Shah’s (1977) tables; refer to Tables 1 and 2 in the Appendix.
22 Again, not explored in this review, but this has been well documented by Rubin (1976), and the marriage tradition is briefly discussed in Higginbotham and Weber (1995).
23 For instance, Rubin (1976) notes some parents who encourage their sons (daughters are often left out in the bid for higher education) to attend college. In addition, MacLeod (1987), notes that the Brothers’ parents not only encourage their sons to graduate high school, but are prepared to use force when necessary to insure that they do. The literature is rich with quotes from parents who are leery of education and, in many cases, discourage their children from pursuing education as a means of mobility (albeit sometimes unintentionally) by not socializing them to an education orientation, pressuring them to work instead of attend college, holding low aspirations for them, telling them there is no value in getting an education when they can get a good job without it--or that there are no jobs available, etc.: see MacLeod, 1987; Rubin, 1976; Ryan and Sackrey, 1984; Wagenaar, 1987; etc..
24 This notion comes from first-hand experience, personal interactions with others of lower class who attend college, and is alluded to in many of the conversations noted in Rubin (1976) and Sennett and Cobb (1972). It is well documented by those who study educational inequalities that the majority of working class consider college something that ‘others’ do because they cannot afford it in more ways than one: college is not a consideration for them--they have ‘other responsibilities’.
25 Ryan and Sackrey (1984) note one of the responses a subject received upon telling his mother he was returning to school: the mother could not understand why her son wanted to "do that" because he already had a good job.
26 I experienced ridicule and ostracism from my siblings upon returning to school (at age 23, an independent but poor single-parent), and I know many others who have suffered the ridicule of family members upon choosing to pursue school instead of work or marriage. The phenomenon of the animosity felt towards those who are educated (or who attempt to become that way) may best be seen in the work of Sennett and Cobb (1972). Higginbotham and Weber (1995) also discuss the ambivalence of parents towards daughters who pursue careers via education.
27 This is best described by MacLeod (1987) and is something which I, too, have experienced.
28 This phenomenon is well noted by Rubin (1976) and alluded to by others.
29 As noted by MacLeod (1987).
30 According to The U.S. Dept. of Education, this figure still holds today.
31 Noted by Bowles and Gintis, 1976; see the Appendix, Graph 1.
32 Noted by Colclough and Beck, 1986; Table 4 in the Appendix.
33 A copy of the proposed advertisement and flyer is included in the Appendix.
34 See the Research Proposal, proposed study, variables section.
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