As a conservative, I normally take an uncompromising stand on every issue, weather
abortion or gun control, defense spending or religious freedom. So I long wondered why I
felt ambivalent about the War Between the States. On one hand, I could never condone
slavery. Who could doubt the universal intent of the founding fathers in declaring
"...all men are created equal?" And hadn’t the Yankees fought to preserve
the USA I treasure as a patriot? On the other hand, I admired the South’s deep-rooted
conservatism.
During the War Between the States, few people were uncertain about their sympathies. So
had I lived then, resolute conservative that I am, surely I would have taken a stand. But
on whose side?
Deciding to investigate, I obtained a heavy volume of Abraham Lincoln’s
correspondence and speeches. Having recently read the distinguished letters of
America’s patriarchs, such as Washington and Jefferson, I expected something
commensurate. I was surprised and disappointed. Lincoln’s early writings often
sounded rather neurotic, and presented a political not above penning anonymous
denigrations of opponents in the local press. I saw little of the nobility of
Lincoln’s Mount Rushmore neighbors. But, age often yields character, and as Lincoln
approached the presidency, his writings began to manifest deep-felt
concern for mankind. During the war, he appeared steeped in its gravity. One could sense a
burden over the casualties, sincere patriotism and reverence for God. After reading
Lincoln, I concluded he had been on right’s side.However, Proverbs 18:17 says:
“ The first to present his case seems right, till another comes forward and questions
him. “ Deciding the Confederacy deserved equal time, I was pleased to find a dusty
copy of Jefferson Davis’ The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government.
Previously, I had not known such books existed. Being raised in the North, I had only
heard Yankee perspectives on the war. The South’s viewpoint reached me through prisms
of Northern historians. I even attended Colby College--alma mater of Benjamin Butler,
whose infamous order, permitting his troops to treat any disrespectful lady of New Orleans
“as a woman about town plying her vocation, “ made him one of the most hated
figures in Dixie.
Davis’ book revealed a new world. Here were not the words of a politician, but of
a statesman, like his namesake, our third president. Rise and Fall not only contained a
blow-by-blow of the entire war, but an exhaustive, lucid exposition on secession and
state’s rights. Jefferson Davis apparently did far more homework that President
Lincoln. He not only studied the Constitution, but the original minutes of the
constitutional convention, the ratification statements of each state, and nearly all the
important debates and correspondence related to those proceedings. Davis exploded the
arguments of Lincoln, Webster and other 19th century Unionists, and demonstrated that the
states originally confederated understanding that each would retain its sovereignty.
I was astonished to learn from Davis that in 1844, Massachusetts, of which I am a
lifelong resident, passed a resolution threatening secession from the Union over the
annexation of Texas. Massachusetts politicians had made similar noises in 1803 and 1811
following the purchase of Louisiana and its subsequent admission as a state.
Thus, Yankee views on secession’s legality appear to have hinged more on Yankee
advantage than constitutional observance. Lincoln claimed to have waged war to keep the
Union together. Recently I read some of the famed diaries of Confederate women, which
opened my eyes to the devastation Union armies visited upon the South, and helped me
realize why Southerners so long spoke the name “ Yankee” with contempt. So I am
forced to ask: Was it Lincoln’s great love for the South that he wanted to remain
united with it ? If so, he seems to have been saying, “My Southern brethren, I
cherish you so much I am going to invade your homes, and starve your children.“
To this, Lincoln apologists would reply, “It was not Lincoln’s love of the
South, but his love of the Constitution and principles therein that motivated him to keep
the Union together.“ Indeed, in his 1861 inaugural address, he claimed to fear the
South’s secession would lead to “despotism“ there. He glossed over the fact
that the Confederacy’s Constitution was nearly a duplicate of the U.S. Constitution,
slightly amended. In Rise and Fall, Davis placed the two side by side.with the amended
language italicized, so that any reader could objectively compare them. The Confederate
Constitution admitted of despotism no more than that of the U.S.
In 1788, the Massachusetts state convention ratified entry into the Union by a vote of
just 187 to 168. Let us suppose that, a couple of years later, a second vote has rescinded
the first, and Massachusetts respectfully announced: “Upon further consideration, we
have decided that belonging to the Union is not in the state’s best interest.“ I
wonder if anyone can imagine George Washington issuing the following proclamation:
“ It has come to my attention that Massachusetts intends to depart the Union. I
declare Massachusetts in rebellion! I am requesting the Governors of the states to muster
armies which are to proceed to Massachusetts and invade it. I am dispatching federal
warships to blockade Boston Harbor. Upon capture, the city is to be burned to the ground.
Federal commanders shall torch other Massachusetts cities and towns as they see fit.
“I, George Washington, do further declare, that because the people of
Massachusetts have perpetrated this brazen treason, all their rights are forthwith
revoked. Of course, if any Massachusetts resident disavows his state’s dastardly
decision, and swears an oath of loyalty to the federal government, his rights shall be
restored. Such cases excepted, federal soldiers should feel free to loot any Massachusetts
home. Crops not seized for army provisions should be destroyed without regards to the
needs of the rebels and their families. After all, war is hell.
“And to citizens of other states, take warning! Consorting with the Massachusetts
rebels will not be tolerated. It has come to my attention, in fact, that certain leaders
and legislators in New Hampshire and Connecticut have expressed sympathy for their cause !
I am ordering federal troops to round up these “border state “ turncoats. They
will jailed without hearings. I hereby revoke the right of habeas corpus just accorded
under the Constitution. In times as these, suspicion alone shall be suitable cause for
imprisonment....”
No one believes Washington would have issued such a proclamation. And if he had, he
would have swung from a tree. True, Lincoln did not state things so bluntly, but the
foregoing accurately reflects Yankee policy. What had changed between 1789 and 1861 to
warrant such a response?
Lincoln claimed to be fulfilling the will of the founding fathers. Yet those eminent
men had not gone to war over slavery. Would they have warred over secession? Davies
supplied ample quotations from Washington, Madison and Hamilton and others to establish
that they would not. It was quite difficult to coax several of the states into the Union;
had they for a moment believed that withdrawal would be branded as treason punishable by
invasion, no state would have joined. And as Davis incisively pointed out, the Declaration
of Independence, to which Lincoln professed such homage, itself constituted secession form
Britain!
Comparison of Davis to Lincoln highlights the former’s integrity, but surprising
duplicity by “Honest Abe.” Regarding Fort Sumter, Davis laid out the
correspondence between Washington and the South’s envoys. He demonstrated that the
Lincoln administration acted deceitfully--perhaps to ensure that the Confederacy would
fire the first shot, and thus justify, in the world’s eyes, armed conquest of the
South. Apparently, one reason the South lost the war was that it behaves honorably. But,
to the North, the ends justified nearly any means.
Lincoln frequently invoked God’s name in association with his cause.Referring to
the war, he declared: “The will of God prevails. In great contests each party claims
to act in accordance with the will of God. Both may be, and one must be, wrong. God cannot
be for and against the same thing at the same time.“ Lincoln implied that Northern
victory bespoke God’s favor. Perhaps so.Or did we Yankees win simply because we
possessed vastly superior numbers, weapons and ships?
Victory does not certify heaven’s approval.Did Stalin’s seizure of Lithuania
signify that God loved the Red Army? When a woman struggles against two muggers and they
overwhelm her, does their “triumph“ mean providence has conferred its blessing
on them? Conduct, not victory, best measures fulfillment of God’s will. Generally,
the record attests that the South fought and managed its diplomacy more honestly. It did
little to reciprocate the North’s pillaging style of warfare--a style that continued
with the rape of Reconstruction. To me, these matters attest to righteousness far more
than the verdict of Appomattox.
What were the war’s results? True, the evil of slavery ended. However, had the
South won, does anyone believe the institution would still exist there? Industrialization
and modernization would have purged it, just as they had previously in the North. From a
conservative perspective, the war’s most lasting significance was the crushing of
state sovereignty. It made the states and their people little more that vassals of a
powerful centralized government. Without Northern victory, Washington could not have so
easily burdened us with the income tax; FDR could not have ushered in socialism with the
New Deal; and no Supreme Court could have banned school prayer or forced abortion on
unwilling states. Now, via federal law, the “ politically correct “ are
attempting to destroy every vestige of Christianity and morality.
Davis declared: “The result established the truthfulness of the assertion...that
the Northern people, by their unconstitutional welfare to gain the freedom of certain
Negro slaves, would lose their own liberties” How right he was! I believe the war had
even broader implications. In my 1988 book The Shadows of Power, I examined the American
foreign policy from Wilson through Reagan. I concluded that certain U.S. diplomats in this
century have labored to place America under a world government. This goal is today shared
by a number of liberals, socialists and Clinton foreign policy officials, and is pursued
through such stepping stones as the GATT, environmental accords and the U.N. Its ultimate
fulfillment would ominously threaten mankind. For if the world came under a single
government, whose policies would rule? If a global authority turned despotic, where could
one turn to escape it? Thus the War Between the States stands as a haunting forerunner of
a critical danger now on our horizon: then it was state sovereignty versus national
government; today American sovereignty versus world government.
I understand that you Southerners call the war “The Lost Cause “ I
do not consider it lost. Today, if anyone fights for conservatism and the Judeo-Christian
ethic, battles against federal bureaucracy and our submersion into world government--I
believe that person rides beside Robert E. Lee and carries a Confederate banner with
Stonewall Jackson.
In the preface of Rise and Fall, Jefferson Davis wrote that his intent was “ to
furnish material for the future historian, who, when the passions and prejudices of the
day shall have given place to reason and sober thought, may, better than a contemporary,
investigate the causes, conduct, and results of the war.“ For me, that moment has
arrived. Finally, I know where I stand on the War Between the States. And as for you
Southerners, I wish you had driven our Yankee hides all the way back to Boston. It is my
great sorrow to be saying this to you 135 years too late.
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