How irrationality stifled Pridi's legacy

09 May 2000

As part of a continuing series marking the centenary of the late Pridi Banomyong's birth, Nantiya Tangwisutijit investigates why his recognition by the Thai public has been so gradual and so limited.

Rationality is a rare commodity in politics, and even more so in the case of the late statesman Pridi Banomyong. This week's celebration of the centenary of his birth is an appropriate time for reflection on how Thais process information and make judgements.

No leader in modern Thai history suffered from irrationality and disinformation in society more than Pridi. This could only have happened because the public allowed themselves to be victims of propaganda.

Pridi and his People's Party helped bring an end to the absolute monarchy and establish the constitutional monarchy. Official recognition, however, of Pridi's role in the important reform had until recently been virtually non-existent.

Few people seemed to be bothered that the record was not set straight or that a historical figure was not treated fairly.

"Thais seem to feel better about the concept of dissemination from above than struggle from below," observes Naruemon Thabchumpol, political scientist at Chulalongkorn University.

This helps explain why most people do not understand the struggle of the rural poor to be heard when they are affected by development projects, she adds.

Pridi led the Free Thai Movement, which saved Thailand from being another war-loser and suffering the consequences at the end of World War II. But few Thais are grateful to him when they proudly talk about the country's sovereignty and independence.

"We don't want to remember our mistake of taking the side of the Japanese army and almost becoming a loser in the war," Naruemon says. "The only public perception of Thai-Japanese relations during the war seems to be in 'Ku-kam' [a well-known love story about a Thai nationalist woman and a Japanese soldier]."

The origin of irrationality lies first in the social structure and then in the educational system, says Srisak Vallibhotama, historian and archaeologist at Silpakorn University. He says Thai people tend to believe what someone says if that person has social status.

"That's why people struggle to upgrade their social status. Politicians, for example, try hard to buy their way into Parliament because they believe it is the route not only to political but also to social power," he says.

Pridi knew changing the country from above was not enough. In 1934 he founded Thammasat University because he had a vision of equipping Thailand with high-calibre young people who would run the country with knowledge and rationality. But he was not in power long enough to see his mission bear fruit.

Today Thammasat is in decline, says Chaiwat Sata-anan, political-science lecturer at the university, and is losing its focus on political- and social-equity issues. Teachers and students are digging deeper into disciplines with commercial purposes.

Srisak says the educational system itself has taken away people's ability to think rationally. From primary to higher education, students are not trained to come to their own conclusions but instead to believe what teachers and textbooks tell them.

How is Pridi remembered at Thammasat? Students may know him as the founder of the university but not much about his other prominent roles. Not many are aware that Pridi was prime minister and regent to King Rama VIII at a time when the country was on the verge of a political and economic crisis.

The lack of rationality in society not only hurts Pridi's legacy, it also does the Thai people a disservice.

We have been treated like fools by politicians time and again. It is time to live up to Pridi's belief in Thais' high potential.

In 1946, some members of the Democrat Party tried to demonise Pridi in its election campaign by spreading the rumour that he was a communist who was possibly involved in the death of King Mahidol.

From Paris, Pridi fought back by taking those who accused him of the regicide case to court. He won every case, proving himself innocent.

Pridi's positive image began to be built up after the October 1973 uprising, when students began to recognise what he did for the country. The visit of the late Dr Puey Ungphakorn to Pridi's home in Paris also helped Pridi's image among students.

In 1992, the same Democrat Party which had tried to smear Pridi in 1946 again used Pridi in the election campaign, but this time in a totally different way. Led by Chuan Leekpai, the party launched a campaign using a statement of Pridi's and a picture of him sitting with Puey to convey to the public that Chuan and Pridi believed in the same sort of parliamentary democracy. Thailand saw the Democrats' landslide in the 1992 election.

The Nation / Headlines