Euphoric by having assumed the management of the capitalist crisis in Brazil after the victory of the Popular Front headed by Lula and the PT, social democrats, stalinists, reformists and union bureaucrats of any kind will celebrate the third meeting of their counter-revolutionary international in Porto Alegre, the World Social Forum. At the same time the signers of this call will meet in the same city with the objective diametrically opposed: To prepare the revolutionary opposition to the new government of Lula and the IMF establishing a common political platform to battle against the Popular Front and its Social Pact. On the other hand, while the promoters of the Forum of Porto Alegre support the genocide of the Iraqian people in the hands of the fascist Bush and its ally Tony Blair, we make a call to that proletariat and the militant clasist vanguard to organize an ample international campaign in defense of the victory of the Iraqian people on the anglo-yankee imperialism, to stop through the direct action of the oppressed masses of the planet the world-wide imperialistic offensive.

The accomplishment of the First International Plenary of Clasists and Revolutionaries Groups and Organizations in defense of a Marxist Program and against Imperialism and the Popular Front is an initiative of several political groups that did not fold to the pressure of the Brazilian Popular Front and, since the first round of the elections, make an active campaign of denunciation of the electoral circus and the candidature of Lula, calling to the null vote and to the construction of the working and revolutionary party, which should fight for the taking of the power on the hands of the workings class and peasants. It also represents the effort to fight, in the worldwide sphere, against the revisionism and the centrism, in defense of a revolutionary regrouping to establish the programmatic bases for the construction of the worldwide party of the proletarian revolution.

With that aim, our organizations and groups will try to use this plenary to impel the regrouping of the revolutionary forces in the national and international scale under the following political axes:

The yankee imperialism develops a military, economic and political offensive world-wide against the proletariat and the oppressed masses through military occupations, like in Afghanistan, the Colombia Plan, the implementation of the ALCA, the nazi-zionist massacre of the Palestinians and the preparation of a massacre in Iraq.

The role of the marxist revolutionaries is to unconditionally defend the oppressed people and country and their anti-imperialist organizations when these they fight against imperialism or are persecuted by the capitalist states. We should also differentiate ourselves from the reactionary bourgeois directions that lead this fight, and historically have been incapable to impel consequent anti-imperialist fights by the total satisfaction of the democratic, civic and national interests. Within the anti-imperialist rows, we fight against the influence of the bourgeois and petty bourgeois direction of the masses, to gain them for the anticapitalist revolutionary fight against those directions.

In our combat against the implementation of the ALCA also we rejected the MERCOSUR and all the free commerce areas, we vindicated the methods of the working-class (strikes and occupations), and not those of the bourgeois parlamentarism as the PSTU (LIT), the MST, and the Church do calling for a plebiscite against the ALCA. We also repudiate the propaganda of the organizers of the FSM in favour of the social democrat European imperialism, which is not an alternative for the workers against yankee imperialism. In order to defeat the globalisation of the bosses, we vindicated the proletarian internationalism, the expropriation of the capitalist class and the expulsion of the imperialism of Latin America.

We think that, at this moment, it is precise to make an ample campaign by the expulsion of the inspectors of the UN from Iraq, to stop the blockade to Iraq, and by the military victory of the Iraqian people over the imperialistic military alliance commanded by the murderer Bush and Blair, uniting this fight to the Palestine Intifada with the aim of destroying the State of Israel and expulsing the imperialism of all Middle East.

The capitalist restoration in the European East and the USSR was an historical defeat for the worldwide proletariat that harnessed the present worldwide imperialist offensive. For that reason we positioned ourselves by the unconditional defense of the social bases of still existing bureacratised working states (Cuba, China, North Korea) against any restauracionist aggression, either from the part of sectors of its bureaucratic leaders, who are become imperialist agents inside the working states, or by external counter revolutionary agents. We defend the proletarian political revolution against these bureaucracies.

The defense of the working states, and the fight against the imperialistic offensive are today fundamental. The fact that the yankee imperialism appears as a worldwide hyper power, sponsoring a fascist tendency in all the planet, being its most recent expression the war against Iraq, is a consequence of the defeat suffered with the liquidation of the counter-revolutionary USSR and the fall Wall of Berlin, as well as of the reactionary policy of pacific coexistence developed by the stalinist bureaucracy that governed these states.

We understand, like Trotsky, that the fight against the Popular Front is the main task of the working class at this time. In Brazil, the ascent of Lula to the central government means the narrowing of bonds between the treacherous union bureaucracy of the PT and the imperialism. Due to the deep economic crisis, the great capital tries to establish a social pact of collaboration of classes to disarm all resistance of the masses and to guarantee its parasitism. Unlike the expectations of the masses, in the government of Lula all evils chronic of Capitalism (like the misery, the wage corrosion, the unemployment and the oppression of the peasants in the large estates) have been worsened. Due to this, it becomes obligatory, now more than ever, to any groups that claims itself as revolutionary, to developed a fight without truce against the collaboration of classes, by the explosion of the social pact, and to expel the corrupt state-tied bureaucracy from the direction of the unions and the CUT. Meanwhile we rejected all sectarianism that resigns by principle to the intervention in the bureaucratic and reactionary unions, since they are the natural way to reach the masses with the communist and revolutionary propaganda and accelerate the disappointment of the masses with the Popular Front. The work in the unions should be done with the aim of constructing organisms of workers power, which impose by the route of the direct revolutionary action a workers and peasants government. We considered inadmissible and opportunist for the revolutionaries to act as left wing advisors of the Lula-IMF government, as the PSTU and the MST do. For that reason, we aimed the urgent necessity of the construction of a clasist and revolutionary opposition to the new popular frontist government looking to establish the conditions for the insurrectionary defeat of this government and for the proletarian revolution.

We rejected all opportunistic fetishes that propose a pacific route (democratic-bourgeois or parliamentarian) as a tactic for the oppressed people to obtain the political power. On the contrary, we fight the concept of citizenship, used by the social democracy and the reformists, as an expression of a counter revolutionary thinking that helps to reinforce the capitalist democracy and the subordination of the masses to the bourgeois state. We consider that the main task of the revolutionaries is the fight by the taking of the power by the working class, through the proletarian and socialist revolution, directed by a communist party. We understand that the dictatorship of the proletariat, popularly presented through the slogan "construction of a workers and peasant government" is the obligatory transitional stage between capitalism and socialism, first stage of the communist society to end the imperialistic rule at worldwide level. Therefore, we defend the theory of the Permanent Revolution, opposed to the stalinist stageism and its variants, as well as the international character of the proletarian revolution.

The objective conditions for the socialist revolution matured long ago, accentuating more and more the tendencies to the barbarism (destruction of the productive forces, epidemics, annihilation of the ambient, nazi-zionism, fascism of yankee imperialism, etc). Because of this, the force of imperialism and its counter revolutionary apparatuses (like the Popular Front) fundamentally resides in the ideological weakness of the revolutionary vanguard, in the confusion and capitulation of the old generation and in the immaturity of new one, aggravated by the ideological anti-communist offensive (which is deeply anti-leninist) that began after the destruction of the USSR. And it could not be different, because the leninism was the tool, elaborated under the heat of the classes struggle, that it made possible to the workers vanguard to acquire conscience of class and to be prepare for the taking the power and to hurt of death to capitalism. The antileninism (mencheviqueism, anarcho-syndicalism, spontaneousism), that almost became unanimity in the world-wide left in the last years, is the best guarantee that in spite of the crises (intense and consecutive wars and social convulsions) do not flee to the control of imperialism; avoiding this way a conscientious subject could take advantage of the crisis to trigger a wave of socialist revolutions. In front of this crossroads, we defend the construction of a worldwide party of the revolution, according to the rules of the leninism, based upon the democratic centralism. This party should be a disciplined and militant true army of the proletarian revolution, which should battle to eliminate the dominion of the bourgeoisie on worldwide scale, as well as to surpass the influence of its agents in the labour movement.

In order to fight consequently by the victory of the worldwide revolution, it is not enough to be against to the traitors of the working class (social democrats and stalinists), but it is also needed to make a decided combat against the phony left (mandelists, morenoists, lambertists, altamiraists, loraists) that usurped the name of the Fourth International and use this name to commit the same capitulations that the counter revolutionary apparatuses of imperialism. The root of the historical crisis of the humanity is the absence of a revolutionary direction for the proletariat in its anti-imperialist and anticapitalist fight. This special lesson that Trotsky extracted from the class struggle became clear again last year in Argentina. There the masses, in spite of having forced to resign to successive bourgeois governments, did not have a revolutionary direction, which disabled them, in spite of their heroic popular uprise, to impose a proletarian solution for the crisis. All the historical challenge of our time weighs on shoulders of the revolutionaries who understood this lesson and admit that the solution for the crisis of the humanity is the principist reconstruction of Fourth International, the construction of the Worldwide Party of the Socialist Revolution.

Signed this statement:

Liga Bolchevique Internacionalista (Brasil)
Corrente Revolucionaria (Brasil)
Organización Comunista Internacionalista-Cuarta Internacional (Argentina)