Article from JLO # 37 (september/99)

1.The government of Yeltzin has unleashed a military offensiveagainst Chechenia. This time Russia repeats yet again the war thatkilled 40,000 people when in 1996 it invaded the separatist republicand which resulted in a major humiliation for Russia when it wasforced to withdraw and concede greater autonomy to Chechenia.

2. Following the earlier disaster, when he suffered an impeachment,Yeltsin now intends to achieve a successful operation in a shorttime. This involves a destructive ground attack, daily aerialbombings, directed at key economic targets, petrol refinaries,airports, television stations etc. At the same time the Russianpopulation evicted during the military intervention in 1996 will bereturned will these movements and those of an estimated 100,000refugees who have left in desperation for Inguchetia has been subjectto a total media ban (Folha de Sao Paulo, 24/09/990.

3. Moscow affirmed that the objective of the attack is to destroy thefundamentalist guerillas that are fighting for the creation of anIslamic state of Chechenia and Dagueston. The same people that areresponsible for the assaults that caused the deaths of 3000 personsduring August and September in Russia. However, Moscow's objectiveto check the separtist wave that has put the Russian Federationin a major crisis situation, like the major blow to the economiesof the the states that formed the the URSS, because of the threat ofthe removal from its control of the rich regions of the Caucaus,important because of is production and transporation of oil.

4. The present war has come at the same time as the biggest crisisconfronting Yeltzin since he assumed power in the counter-revolutionof August 1991 when the Soviet bureaucratic workers state wasdestroyed. The chaos and the slow decline which has come from therestoration of capitalism has been aggravated by the financial crashof the last year. "Aided" by the IMF the BIRD and Japan, thesecreditors are putting pressure on Yeltsin to impose austeritymeasures to reduce the fiscal deficit. Besides the separatistturbulence, Yeltsin, who's health is extremely debilitated, is alsoconfronted with accusations of corruption and money launderinginvolving a group of his advisors and friends. All this comes withthe impending legislative elections when Yeltsin's opponents can dealhim a strong defeat less than a year from the presidentialelections, held under the present invalid constitution.

5. There is a big contest in the Caucacus for control of the regionthat has the biggest reserves of oil on the planet. US oilcompanies have heavily invested in the region surrounding theCaspian Sea. As well as this the fertile soil of the region hasbecome a powder keg about to explode. "Since the collapse of theSoviet regime the Caspian Sea area has seen many wars, attacks on thelives of Presidents , civil wars and many assassinations." (LosAngeles Times, 29/3/98). The new oil pipeline it is hoped will giveprovide the cheapest oil on the world market. However, as yet thepressure towards conflict between US, Europe, Iran, China andRussia has not resulted on war. In fact, the preoccupation tomaintain stability of the region is precisely to avoid a major warover the division of the spoils of the Caucacus. Meanwhile many inthe US expect to get territory: now that " the oil pipeline projectincludes many big names in the US oil industry: Exxon, Amoco,Chevron, Unocal, Mobil, Arco and Pennzoil. James A Baker, the 3rd,(ex-secretary of State, partner in the law firm, Houston, Baker andBotts, and representative of the major consortium of internationaloil companies that operate in Azerbadjian), Arthur Hartman( US ex-ambassador to Moscow, presidential adviser of a companythat buys Turkestan oil and transports the oil accross the Caspian asfar as the pipeline in Baku) and Richard Holbrooke (ex-advisor to theSecretary of State, employee of Credit Suisse First Boston, and apowerful player in the financing of the pipelines." (idem). At thesame time, the most prominent US political representatives in the"most recent decades now used the 'know how' acquired at the endof the cold war, their knowledge of the ex-USSR, and their relationswith the actual political bosses of the Caucasus, to gain access forthe big Yankee petroleum companies to exploit oil reserves in theformer territories of the workers states.

6. In terms of total value, "Chechenia played an important role withreserves that in the 1970's provided a third of the Soviet oilconsumption (22 million tonnes a year), production which hascollapsed with the onset of the war" (O Estado de Sao Paulo,28/1/97). Moreover, Russia needs the pipelines to Grozny totransport oil from Azerbadjian to the Mediterranean. Any interruptionof the oilflow creates big financial losses for the big oilcompanies. By agreement, 200 million tonnes of oil is transportedaccross Chechenia from the Caspian Sea to the Russian port ofNovorissick on the Black Sea, and from there to the Mediterranean. Itis fundamental that the primitive accumulation of capital of the newRussian Bourgeoisie will take off only if Moscow refuses torelinquish control over the Republics of the Caucasus and does nottolerate separatist movements.

7. Under these conditions, Yeltsin who has a habit of forciblyviolating the constitution, and has used force several times when thesituation was infavourable (dissolution of the USSR in December1991; dissolution of Parliament in September 1993; despatch of troopsto Chechenia in December 1994), now turns to using the militarylike armed police, intensified the attacks against the separatists,declared a state of emergency and called a new election. This willserve several purposes for Yeltsin, such as defending himself fromthe accusations of theft, in 1993 and 1998 of 100's of billions ofdollars. The new war also serves his government's campaign to stay inpower and to neutralise parliament which is now controlled bynationalists and stalinists, in negotiations with foreign oilcompanies. A new unconstitutional measure has been announce thatallows the prime minister Vladimir Putin to also administer thegovernment of Moscow. Putin is an ex-member of the KGB withresponsibility for control of the post office and the FederalSecurity Service.

8. Following the tradition of Stalinist politics which betrayed theproletariat and the non-Russian nationalities, the "communists" ofCPRF fit in with the interests of the Russian bourgeoisie, of Yeltsinand imperialism, and refuse to recognise the democratic rights of theChechen people. The main weapon used against Yeltsin by theStalinists parliamentarians is the defeat of 1996 inChechenia. They had begun a process of his impeachment asPresident of Russia. But this initiative was blocked by thedisastrous war in the Causasian province, when he ordered the totalwithdrawal of the Russian troops from Chechenia and made anagreement with the separatist rebels in the province on condition ofspecial autonomy following the elections of 27/1/97.

9. After the election of the new authorities of Chechenia, the"communist" delegate Vikton IIyukhin, chief of the Committee ofSecurity of Congress "affirmed that the elections should not berecognised because the majority of the population did not participatein them, referring to the 300,000 refugees who could not vote becauseof the war" (O Estada de Sao Paulo, 27/0/97). The Russian chauvinistsdivided their tasks, the restorationist government expelled a goodpart of the population and the stalinist opposition used theirbureaucratic justifications to oppose the volutary independencemovement of the Chechen people, using the formality of anirregularity in the ballot.

10. For the Russian Stalinists, the Russian Federation offers toreach out and protect the autonomous nationalities. In this form,they hypocritically defend the interests of the capitalists,oppressors of the nationalities. In his time Lenin had this tosay about the social chauvinists: "The most plausible formulation ofthe social chauvinist lie, one that is therefore most dangerous tothe proletariat, is provided by Kautsky..."National Autonomy", if youplease, is enough! The principle question, the one the imperialistbourgeoisie will not permit discussion of, the question of theboundaries of the state that is build upon the oppression of nations,is evaded by Kautsky, who to please the bourgeoisie, has thrown outof the programme what is most essential. The bourgeoisie are ready topromise all the "national equality" you please, so long as theproletariat remain within the framework of legality and "peacefully"submit to them on the question of the state boundaries! Kautsky hasformulated the national programme of Social-Democracy [Communism]in a reformist, not revolutionary manner." ("The RevolutionaryProletariat and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination". CW Vol.21 p411-412).

11. The Russian social chauvinists also share with the dominantmafia class a xenophiobia against the non-Russian peoples. The sameViktor IIyukhin, well-known for his anti-semitism, is now a toughin-house critic of the government, attributing the wave of terrorism(most of the public attribute the same to the Moscow mafia) on thelack of vigilance over the thousands of persons of the Caucasiannationalities who live in Moscow. For the other side, Zuganovblames the jewish minority for the economic crisis of the country.Against the impulse the solidarity of the working class with thenationalities pressing for a method of struggle against therestoration of capitalism, the CPRF is dedicated to the taskof poisoning the proletariat with chauvinism and racism, helping thereaction. In this way the Russian "communists" are preparingthe road for the defeat of the proletarian resistance, and creatingthe basis for the emergence and consolidation of a fascist regime inRussia, the explosive lead that will be necessary for thecosolidation of capitalist restoration.

12. In most of Russia the centrifugal tendencies to break withYeltsin are all isolated in separatist fronts who pass to be one ofthe numerous enemies of Moscow. In particular, at this momentstanding out among them, is the guerrilla Shamil Bassiev, the mostpopular in the previous war (1994-1995), and the current leader ofthe Oriental Front of the Autonomous Republic of Chechenia. Bassievrecently allied with the suni wahhabi militias led by the JordanianJatab who is fighting to make Daguestan into a Islamic IndependentRepublic. At the same time, the guerrilla leader Busco is close tothe Taliban regime in Afghanistan.

13. In this current situation no workers act to defend thenationalist movements of Chechenia and Daguestan against theoppression of the capitalist government of Russia, revindicating theright of self-determination and the independent states of the peoplesof the Caucasus as they wish. On the other hand, no revolutionariescan ignore criticising the terrorist methods used by the Islamiccommanders of the separatist guerrillas like Bassiev. Underthe reactionary bourgeois ideology of Islam, and its terroristmethods, the guerrilla movement has little to offer the struggle ofthe Chechen masses who are for national liberation, and pushes theRussian masses into the hands of the Russian racist chauvinism.Instead this impulse weakens the political struggle of the masses forthe liberation of Chechenia and Dageustan. First, because it concedesto Yeltsin the justification for the attacks against Chechenia, andcreates many distractions that hold back the collapse of thegovernment under the pressure of the Russian proletariat. Andsecondly, because it reduces the role of the masses (that mustconquer liberty on the road to the social revolution) creatingfeelings of impotence and the belief that there can be salvation inmessianic groups. This type of method is in perfect harmony with thereactionary interests of the Islamic fundamentalist leaders that seekto eliminate any class organisations, independence and popularmovements.

14. In this way, the fundamentalist guerrillas weaken the struggleof the national liberation of the peoples of the Caucasus andsubstitute the end of the negotiation table for that of thereal liberation struggle, and the right to secede from the oppressorstate for the concession of autonomy inside a federation. Under theIslamic movement the Caucasian masses are exposed to treacheryalong the same road that the KLA followed when the AlbanianKosovars subordinated their struggle for national liberation to theinterests of the imperialists, and allowed an oppression much morereactionary than the Serbian army. Given the ambitions ofimperialism over the Causasian region, we can expect similartreachery on the part of the fundamentalist movements that, inAfghanistan, were backed by the CIA against the USSR. In thesetimes, under the mounting pressure coming from the military campof imperialism, revolutionaries must not renounce the perspectiveof the right of the national movements to self-determination. Atthe same time as the struggle for these rights, the proletariat mustopenly declare that forming national states at this time is nolonger historically progressive as a strategic objective. We areagainst the fragmentation of the peoples and a proliferation of microstates, but we are for the construction of a united Federation ofSocialist Republics, and in this case the reconstruction of the USSR.We just strike out on this march with a vision of the unityof the workers around the world.

15. Is is possible to realise real autonomy and reverse thedisunity of the workers of the Caucasus against the localcapitalists, warlords and criminal organisations, and all theimperialist lackeys who are the major exploiteres of the labourpower of the workers and natural resources of the region. Lenin hadmuch to say on the tasks of the revolutionaries of the nationalmoevmenters and oppressed and saw the primary task as the strugglefor nationa liberation: "...the Social-Democrats of the oppressornations must demand that the oppressed nations should have the rightto secession, for otherwise recognition of equal rights for nationsand of international working-class solidarity would in fact be merelyempty phrase-mongering, sheer hypocrisy. On the other hand, theSocial-Democrats of the oppressed nations must attach primesignificance to the unity and the merging of the workers of theoppressed nations with those of the oppressor nations; otherwisethese Social-Democrats will involuntarily become the allies of theirown national bourgeoisie, which always betrays the interests of thepeople and of democracy, and is always ready, in its turn, to annexterritory and oppress other nations." (idem. p 409). It is preciselyby creating such organisations of the masses that proletarian cancome to power and subordinate the guerrillas in the strugglefor the socialist insurrection, expropriating the ruling classesof the region with the methods of the Proletarian Dictatorship.Similtaneously we are for the practical unity of the Russianworkers against the capitalist restoration, for the revolutionaryoverthrow of Yeltsin's government, and the expropriation of the newbourgeoisie. Our first task must be no confidence in the guerrillagroups, and the construction of a international Bolshevik party ofLenin and Trotsky, capable of organising the combining of thenational movements and the unification of the fight for therealisation of democratic tasks for national liberation with thestruggle for a new October Revolution and the reconstruction of theUSSR.