Chapter 2

CAPITALISM

         A second major fantasy so often associated in the 20th Century with the Nazis is that their ideology, Nazism, was anti-capitalist, anti-private property, anti-profits.  a view which in large part is attributable to the fact that the word “socialist” is found in the name of the party--The National Socialist German Workers Party.  Few impressions could be further from the truth.  Like Bush, Bush’s allies, and Bush’s aforementioned predecessors, the Nazis were exceptionally strong defenders of capitalism and Hitler said as much on many occasions, although his comments were often masked in terminology calculated to dupe the workers and entice the capitalists.  Throughout his reign he executed a political balancing act second to none and his duplicity of performance according to the audience addressed reveals as much.  Assertions to the effect that Hitler and his supporters endorsed capitalism are readily available:
         I absolutely insist on protecting private property.
         HITLER'S TABLE TALK, 1941-1944, Translated by Cameron & Stevens, 2000, page 362

         In a statement on the Enabling Act to the Reichstag on 23 March 1933:
         In principle, the Government protects the economic interests of the German Volk not by taking the roundabout way through an economic bureaucracy to be organized by the State, but by the utmost promotion of private initiative and a recognition of the rights of property.
         HITLER, SPEECHES AND PROCLAMATIONS 1932-45, Vol. 1, by Max Domarus, page 280
         THE HITLER DECREES, by James Pollock and Harlow Heneman, 1934, Page 67
         HITLER'S SPEECHES by Norman Baynes,1942, VOLUME 1, Page 830

         You ask whether private economic interests will have to be eliminated.  Certainly not.  I have never said anything of the kind, nor have I deputed my subordinates to say so.  That would be as mad as an attempt to abolish sexual intercourse by decree.  The instinct to earn and the instinct to possess cannot be eliminated.  Natural instincts remain.  We should be the last to deny that.  But the problem is how to adjust and satisfy these natural instincts.  The proper limits to private profit and private enterprise must be drawn through the state and general public according to their vital needs.  And on this point I can tell you, regardless of all the professors' theories and trades-union wisdom, that there is no principle on which you can draw any universally valid limits.
         THE VOICE OF DESTRUCTION, by Hermann Rauschnigg, 1940, page 188

         On 13 April 1928:
         Since the NSDAP admits the principal of private property,...
         HITLER'S SPEECHES by Norman Baynes, 1942, VOLUME 1, Page 105

         In a speech inaugurating the second year's battle against unemployment addressed to workers at Unterhaching on 21 March 1934:
         ...and in doing so we shall not make use of any means which could in any way prejudice respect for property or for contractual rights.
         MY NEW ORDER by Hitler, Edited by Raoul de Roussy de Sales, 1941, Page 252

         To the Reichstag on 21 May 1935:
         We National Socialists see in private property a higher grade of human economic development which regulates the administration of rewards in proportion to the differences in achievement, but which in general makes possible and guarantees to all the advantages of a higher standard of living.
         HITLER'S SPEECHES by Norman Baynes, 1942, VOLUME 1, Page 670

         Part of a speech which was to have been directed to Americans by wireless but which was not transmitted due to technical reasons, although its text was subsequently published, stated::
         The National Socialist party recognized private property, private contracts, and private debts, but it refused to recognize public debts, the tributes imposed upon Germany [as a result of World War I] in order to keep it in a state of perpetual bankruptcy.
         HITLER'S SPEECHES by Norman Baynes, 1942, VOLUME 1, Page 110

         In a speech to the Reichstag on 17 May 1933:
         The three factors which dominate our revolution do not contradict the interests of the rest of the world in any way.
 First: preventing the impending Communist subversion and constructing a Volksstaat uniting the various interests of the classes and ranks, and maintaining the concept of personal property as the foundation of our culture....
         HITLER, SPEECHES AND PROCLAMATIONS 1932-45, Vol. 1, by Max Domarus, page 327

         And finally there is a quote which projects an unmistakable affinity for capitalism:
         There is no ideal condition of permanent validity.  Only fools believe in a cut-and-dried method of changing the social and economic order.  There is no such thing as equality, the abolition of private property, a just wage, or any of the other ideas they've been splitting hairs over.  And all the distinctions that are made between production for consumption and production for profit are just pastimes for idlers and muddleheads.
         THE VOICE OF DESTRUCTION, by Hermann Rauschnigg, 1940, page 188

         Like Bush, Bush’s allies, Bush’s predecessors, and other strong supporters of capitalism, Hitler dwells on individual initiative.
        In a 16 May 1934 speech in Berlin:
         One cannot achieve a maximum escalation of production by implementing a principle which is the death blow to any personal initiative.
         ADOLPH HITLER QUOTATIONS, by Karl Hammer,1990, Page 45

         And in what can only be described as music to capitalists’ ears Hitler equates their labors with those of workers by saying in a conversation with Hans Johst on 27 January 1934:
         I hope that this dialogue serves as an enlightenment to the broad circles of the bourgeoisie.  The bourgeois man should stop feeling like some sort of pensioner of tradition or capital and separated from the worker by the Marxist concept of property; rather, he should strive, with an open mind, to become integrated in the whole as a worker, for he is not a member of society at all in the distorted sense in which he was persecuted as a hostile brother within the ranks of the Volk.  He should base his classic bourgeois pride upon his citizenship and, in other respects, be modestly conscious of his identity as a worker.
         HITLER, SPEECHES AND PROCLAMATIONS 1932-45, Vol. 1, by Max Domarus, page 416

         Like the Bushites, Hitler applauded capitalism’s elimination of the weak in economic competition and considered that outcome as endemic to the world of nature.
        In his speech at the Second Workers' Congress of the Labor Front on 16 May 1934 he said:
         This freedom in economic life is as natural as is conflict in the world of Nature--a conflict which also is waged ruthlessly and destroys many a living creature so that only the healthy survives.
         HITLER'S SPEECHES by Norman Baynes,1942, VOLUME 1, Page 897

         But Hitler’s enthusiasm for capitalism went further than that of Bush when he was candid enough to utter a concept Bush is yet to expound publicly, namely, domination by capitalists is attributable to the fact that they are superior, reflecting the natural fact that some men are superior to others in all fields.  When the more socialistically-minded Otto Strasser demanded the nationalization of industry during his discussion of Socialism with Hitler on 22 May 1930, the latter retorted with scorn:
         With what right do the workers demand a share in the possessions of the capitalist, not to speak of a share in control?...  The capitalists have worked their way to the top through their capacity, and on the basis of this selection, which again only proves their higher race, they have a right to lead.
         HITLER'S SPEECHES by Norman Baynes, 1942, VOLUME 1, Page 111
         STALIN AND HITLER by Alan Bullock (1992), page 171
 

         And in a speech in Nuremberg on September 3, 1933:
         The conception of private property is thus inseparably connected with the conviction that the capacities of men are different alike in character and in value and thus, further, that men themselves are different in character and value.
         MY NEW ORDER  by Adolph Hitler, Edited by de Sales, 1941, page 202

         Rarely do even the most dedicated of capitalists, especially capitalist politicians such as Bush, openly declare that some men are of greater value than others.
         The degree to which the economics of Bush and Hitler correspond comes to the fore when several major topics are examined.  For example, no topic is higher on the Bushite agenda than lowering taxes and reducing the size of government.  Indeed, it is virtually their mantra, their theme song, accounting for much of their support and being one of the few issues upon which they can rely for mass receptivity.
        In a statement to the Reichstag early in his regime on 23 March 1933 Hitler showed that it lay high on his priority list as well:
         The proposed reform of our tax system must result in a simplification in assessment and thus to a decrease in costs and charges.  In principle, the tax mill should be built downstream and not at the source.  As a consequence of these measures, the simplification of the administration will certainly result in a decrease in the tax burden.
         HITLER, SPEECHES AND PROCLAMATIONS 1932-45, Vol. 1, by Max Domarus, page 280

         Hitler, like Bush, supported the right of inheritance by saying:
         It is natural and salutary that the individual should be inspired by the wish to devote a part of the income from his work to building up and expanding a family estate.  Suppose the estate consists of a factory.  I regard it as axiomatic, in the ordinary way, that this factory will be better run by one of the members of the family than it would be by a State functionary --providing, of course, that the family remains healthy.  In this sense, we must encourage private initiative.
         HITLER'S TABLE TALK, 1941-1944, Translated by Cameron & Stevens, 2000, page 362

         And on 15 February 1936 Hitler confirmed his dislike of luxury taxes on the rich by saying:
         A capital error, I might add, which served to show how badly our own bourgeois economic views were already failing.  For the theory of so-called luxury tax articles is absurd wherever and whenever in all human probability the luxury article promises to become an article of general use.
         HITLER, [Speeches and Proclamations], by Max Domarus, Vol. 2, page 754

         As with Bush and so many of Bush’s ideologically kindred predecessors, Hitler viewed taxation as little more than Marxism surreptitiously redistributing wealth and generating social evils, and he implied as much in the Berlin Sportpalast on 10 February 1933:
         Outrageously exorbitant interest rates which should never have been allowed to go unpunished in any state, are now part and parcel of the "social" Republic, and this is where the destruction of production begins, the destruction wreaked by these Marxist theories of economics as such, and moreover by the madness of a taxation policy which sees to the rest; and now we witness how class upon class are collapsing, how hundreds of thousands, gradually driven to despair, are losing their livelihoods; and how, year after year, tens of thousands of bankruptcies and hundreds of thousands of compulsory auctions are taking place.  Then the peasantry starts to become impoverished, the most industrious class in the entire Volk is driven to ruin, can no longer exist, and then this process spreads back to the cities, and the army of unemployed begins to grow: one million, two, three, four million, 5 million, 6 million, 7 million; today the number might actually lie between 7 and 8 million.
         HITLER, SPEECHES AND PROCLAMATIONS 1932-45, Vol. 1, by Max Domarus, page 245

         In conjunction with this, Hitler promoted another theme near and dear to the hearts of Bush and his confederates, namely, decentralizing government by giving power back to local governments.
        He stated:
         In this connection I want to lay particular emphasis on one point--namely, that there is nothing more harmful to the organization of a State than over-centralization and limitation of local power....
 I can sum up my own views by saying that one should give to local authority the widest possible powers of self-government,...
         HITLER'S TABLE TALK, 1941-1944, Translated by Cameron & Stevens, 2000, page 534

         This is in accord with his belief that capitalists should be given maximum freedom with a minimum of laws expounded in a speech inaugurating the second year's battle against unemployment addressed to workers at Unterhaching on 21 March 1934:
         We therefore began on the one hand to free economic life from theories, and on the other to liberate it from the chaos of oppressive regulations and of restrictive measures on the merits or demerits of which it is idle to dispute, since, whether they were right or wrong, they were in any event only stifling economic life.  We further sought to free production step-by-step from those burdens which in the shape of unreasonable taxation decrees were strangling economic life....
         The intelligent, efficient, and methodical businessman will have a free field for his activity, the lazy and unintelligent--to say nothing of the disreputable and dishonest-- must go to ruin....
 The initiative thus taken by the State had always solely as its aim and purpose to awaken private economic initiative, and thus slowly to set economic life once more on its own feet.
         MY NEW ORDER by Hitler, Edited by Raoul de Roussy de Sales, 1941, Page 249-250

         The lengths to which Hitler went to reconcile comments such as these with his highly centralized Nazi dictatorship are being duplicated in varying degrees by the current Bush administration which has been seeking centralized powers not granted previously.
         However, it should be noted that, unlike the proclivities of most Bushites and their adherents, Hitler was not an Adam Smith or Milton Freedman devotee, at least not publicly, because he favored government interdiction into business and commerce when conditions warranted.  For reasons of expediency free enterprise per se was not his forte.  As he saw it the challenge was to channel human greed, not attempt the impossible by abolishing it.  The Bushites have even less interest in regulating or curtailing private enterprise than he did.
        The following conversation occurred between Hitler and Wegener.
         HITLER:  In our program, we have even given expression to this hurdle by coining the maxim, "public need before private greed."  Individual striving--yes, individual acquisitiveness--is the driving force that animates the world and the economy and that has engendered all major inventions and discoveries.  If we eliminate it, the drive slackens and progress stagnates.  But to stand still is to regress.
 That is why we must preserve this driving force, we must nurture it, even reward it!  We must take this striving, which is in itself selfish, and place it in the service of all, in the service of the whole nation--yes, perhaps in time in the service of all mankind.
         WEGENER:  “Man's aspirations are evil--we should say, selfish--from childhood; the Bible tells of something of the sort.  ... [Christ's] teachings, which can still be found in pure and noble form in St. Paul and others, soon became falsified, even turned upside down, and little of Christianity remains in the churches that use its name today.”
         HITLER:  I know that Wegener.  I'm quite clear on that point.
         HITLER--MEMOIRS OF A CONFIDANT, by Otto Wegener, 1985, page 115

         After reading a dialogue of this kind, the line “Greed is good” from the popular movie of the 1980’s entitled Wall Street comes readily to mind.
         Hitler believed profit-making was divinely sanctioned and should be promoted but the welfare of the common good should take precedence over individual profit and gain.  The Bushites don’t appear to be so magnanimous.  In a speech at the Second Workers' Congress of the Labor Front on 16 May 1934 Hitler said:
         Marxism had in theory rejected private property;... That was very comprehensible, for communism is not the final and ideal form of human society, it represents the most primitive form from which society starts....  The higher we see men rise, the more intelligent races become, the mightier are the inner differences between individuals, and individual achievement remains always inseparably connected with its creator: only the creator can administer that which he has achieved, and in this fact we have the basis for private property.  But there remains a qualification: the so-called 'free play of forces' must be controlled by the principal of common profit which must come before the individual egotistic profit.
         HITLER'S SPEECHES by Norman Baynes,1942, VOLUME 1, Page 896

         And in that infamous, duplicitous Berlin speech to workers in the Rheinmetall-Borsig Works on 10 December 1940 Hitler stated:
         . . . They [the few hundreds earning good dividends] may then retort: "Well, look here, that is just what we mean.  You jeopardize liberty."
 Yes, certainly, we jeopardize the liberty to profiteer at the expense of the community, and, if necessary, we even abolish it.  British capitalists, to mention only one instance, can pocket dividends of 76, 80, 95, 140, an even 160 percent from their armament industry.
         MY NEW ORDER  by Adolph Hitler, Edited by de Sales, 1941, page 886

         In that same speech he stated:
         They are perfectly right.  I should never tolerate such a state of affairs.  In my eyes, a 6% dividend is sufficient.  Even from this 6% we deduct the 1/2 and, as for the rest, we must have definite proof that it is invested in the interest of the country as a whole.  In other words, no individual has the right to dispose arbitrarily of money which ought to be invested for the good of the country.  If he disposes of it sensibly, well and good; if not, the National Socialist state will intervene.
         MY NEW ORDER  by Adolph Hitler, Edited by de Sales, 1941, page 887

         Yet, despite all of this talk about bringing the capitalists to bay, in a private conversation with Wegener, instead of a speech before workers, Hitler revealed that he did not favor government intervention unless and until unbridled free enterprise and unrestrained capitalism ceased to work in the interest of the country as a whole and no viable option was available.  As far as the real Hitler, as opposed to the one speaking for mass consumption, was concerned, the government should intervene minimally and only when unavoidable.  His diminutive differences with the Bushites in this matter was more one of degree than kind and carefully tailored for the audience addressed.  The Fuhrer demonstrated as much on several occasions:
         Here I share your opinion completely.  The state must try to figure out, not everything it can organize and regulate through laws, but rather what it absolutely must organize and regulate.  The state should be as invisible as possible.  The economy is sure to find the right way by itself.
         HITLER--MEMOIRS OF A CONFIDANT, by Otto Wegener, 1985, page 189

         In his Proclamation read at the opening of the Parteitag in Nuremberg on 7 September 1937:
         But in our attempts to relieve the German economic crisis we have always acted only upon a single dogma, namely that economics is one of the many functions of the people's life; it can therefore be organized and conducted only on considerations of expediency and can never be treated on a basis of dogma.  As dogma there is neither a socialized economy, nor a free economy, but only a national economy which is subject to obligations, i.e. an economy which as a whole acknowledges the duty of creating the highest and best conditions for the life of the people.  Insofar as it fulfills this task without intervention from above by means of the free play of economic forces that is well, and above all is very convenient for a Government.  So far as a free economy is unable to perform its proper task in any sphere, the leadership of the community of the people has the duty to give to economics such directions as are necessary for the maintenance of the whole society.  But if an economy in one or other sphere is completely unable with its own resources to fulfill the great tasks which are set before it, then in that case the leadership of the community of the people must seek other means and methods in order to satisfy the needs of the whole population.  But one thing is certain: here, as everywhere else, if the will is present, it must be possible to find a way.
         HITLER'S SPEECHES by Norman Baynes,1942, VOLUME 1, Page 943

         In a speech at a meeting of the Reich Chamber of Labor on 30 April 1937:
         The economic life may remain free only so long as it is able to solve the problems of the nation.  If it cannot do it, then it must cease to be free.
         HITLER'S SPEECHES by Norman Baynes, 1942, VOLUME 1, Page 939

         I consider that the right to exercise influence on private enterprise should be conceded only to the State, directed by the superior class.
         HITLER AND I by Otto Strasser, 1940, page 114

         Hitler felt that the expropriations of private property associated with socialism should only occur when required to foster the national interest or the property had been taken illegally.
        A 13 April 1928 addition to the 24 February 1920 program of the National Socialist German Worker's Party states:
         Since the National Socialist party stands firmly for the principal of private property, it is self-evident that the passage [Point 17 of the Program] "to expropriate without compensation" can only apply to the creation of laws concerning land which has been illegally acquired or which has not been administered according to the common good and which, therefore, should be expropriated when necessary.
         THE HITLER DECREES, by James Pollock and Harlow Heneman, 1934, Page 2

         In light of all the above, Hitler felt justified in claiming that the bourgeoisie needed his party and movement more than vice versa and said as much:
         I do not need the bourgeoisie; the bourgeoisie [the capitalists] needs me and my movement.
         SECRET CONVERSATIONS WITH HITLER, Edited by Edouard Calic, 1971. Page 22

         Many influential capitalists did support his cause which he acknowledged by saying:
         When Krupp, Schroder, and the other captains of industry realize that we stand for order, they will be happy to be accepted into the Party.  They are supporting our Movement financially but they have not the courage to allow the German State a national government and a national leader.
         SECRET CONVERSATIONS WITH HITLER, Edited by Edouard Calic, 1971. Page 24

         Apart from Mutschmann, it was Dr. Ley who collected the most money for the party.  By describing me as a genuine monster, he made the industrialists and their ladies so curious to see me that they were willing to pay anything up to 200 marks for a seat at one of my meetings.
         HITLER'S TABLE TALK, 1941-1944, Translated by Cameron & Stevens, 2000, page 464

         And a close acquaintance of Hitler provided personal testimony to the effect:
         “Without his new friends Hitler could count himself lost, and he received from the Federation of Industrialists of Saxony an ultimatum couched in rather abrupt terms: ‘Unless the strike order is condemned and opposed by the National Socialist Party and newspapers, notably the Sachsischer Beobachter, the entire Reich Federation of Industrialists will cease its payments to the Party.’
 Such an insult to the Party could not remain secret.  We knew the contents of this shameful ultimatum; we knew that Hitler was sold to the capitalists and we realized that there was nothing more to hope from him; for he accepted the ultimatum.”
         HITLER AND I by Otto Strasser, 1940, page 99

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