Throughout these biographies, the reader may find it useful to refer to the following:

• Three Generations of Fletchers -A Timeline
• the Fletcher family tree;
• my Celtic dictionary of terms;
• and a Celtic history timeline.
• American History Timeline
• American History
• History lecture series

Chapter Fifteen: Higher Education at U of T (1945 to 1949)

• 15.1 The Fletcher Family in 1945
• 15.2 The Great Windsor Ford Stike 1945
• 15.3 Dentistry 1945
• 15.4 Birth of First Son: Ronald 22 Dec. 1945
• 15.5 Politics, Society, and Culture
• 15.6 Bachelor of Arts 1947
• 15.7 181 Gerard St. Apartment
• 15.8 Master of Arts 1949
• 15.9 Esther, Ron, and Birth of Second Son: Bernard 10 July, 1949
• 15.10 Golf

15.2 The Great Windsor Ford Strike:
12 September, 1945 to 19 December, 1945

Jim's Connection with Ford

John Returns from War and Works at Ford

Context of this Point in Labour History

If fact, governments, especially fascist ones, tended to favour the side of the employers. Even when employees voted in a majority to organize into a union, the next step of negotiating a first contract was formidable. Principles of good-faith bargaining were not yet established, and negotiations generally only became serious if the workers could successfully strike and produce a shut down of their place of work. Whenever a successful strike did occur, and workers held to their strike action despite the financial hardship, then the government would invariably support the employer. The State would provide support by sending in police, special militias, or even troops to break the determination of the strikers.

Back History: the Context Included the GM Strike of 1937

"Fascist Hepburn
Pierre Berton, in his "The Great Depression 1929-1939" quotes Prime Minister King as calling Ontario Premier Mitchell Hepburn a "fascist" and his actions "criminal" (p405). When the strike date arrived, 8 April, 1937, fascist Hepburn demanded the federal government respond with a show of force by the RCMP. King only sent 100 officers, refusing Hepburn's insistance to send many more. And even these 100 were not allowed to enter Oshawa because the Mayor, fearing confrontation, refused to take the legal action necessary to enable the RCMP to enter the city - that is, to read the "Riot Act".

The "Sons of Mitches"
Hepburn then decided to create a new police force to fight the stikers. The force of militia was made up mostly war veterans and university students. This militia became known as "Hepburn's Hussars" and the "Sons of Mitches". The men were billeted in the Armories on University Avenue, not far from the Legislative building. Preparations for action included: riot training; going to Oshawa in plain clothes (an action which was illegal) and being instructed where to set up machine guns. Live ammunition was distributed with instructions to shoot strikers at the knees if ordered to fire. Hepburn threatened to order his force to march on Oshawa with or without legality. In the meantime, 25,000 people demonstrated in support of the strike at Queen's Park in Toronto.

Croll Resigns
The Honourable David Croll, Minister of Welfare, submitted his resignation from the Hepburn cabinet. Croll is quoted as having said at this time, "I'd rather walk with the workers than ride with General Motors." Croll accused Hepburn of betraying the Liberal party's traditions at a time of difficult economic circumstances, and thereby alienating large segments of the voting public. (Note: Hepburn seems comparable not only to Hitler of the 1940s, but also to Harris of the 1990s: allying with the corporations and the rich, trampling the rights of the majority, and using the "big lie" to cover up what you are trying to do). Later, in 2001 when seniors' homes were being discussed, John Fletcher remembered this incident and excluded the Residence on Bloor at St. George, called the Croll Residence, for this reason. (note: this Croll Residence is the same building as the old hippie headquarters in the 1960s: Roshdale).

Violence Averted and Settlement Achieved
This strike would have come to a violent confrontation had GM not settled. General Motors workers ratified the first contract on 23 April, 1937. The workers then, and historians now, consider this a great labour victory. But every settlement is a compromise. The GM contract denyied the newly recognized union's connection to the UAW. Hepburn used this fact to make it appear to be his victory, and partly as a result of this won a landslide victory in the election that followed. In his second term in office, Hepburn's true fascit colours showed and he resigned as premier in 1942. The Liberal party went down to defeat in the provincial election the next year and into the political wilderness for half a century.

Order-in-Council 1003
During World War II the federal government sought to avoid work stoppages by passing an emergency Order-in-Council (P.C. 1003) which protected workers' rights by requiring employers to recognize and negotiate with unions. With this new status, union membership increased from ___,000 in 1939 to 725,000 in 1944.

Even at the best of times, unions were weak because they were poorly funded. They did not have the resources to build up strike researves, educate members, prepare grievances, lobby, counter the propaganda of the anti-union press, hire organizers, or even to pay those that prepare and negotiate contracts with management. Volunteer union stewards spend most of their time collecting dues.

The Summer of 1945

Back History at Ford

End of the War, 1945

Fletcher Connection with Ford

The Situation at Ford Motor Company, 1945

Men had fought for their democratic freedom overseas and, upon returning home, they then fought for their economic freedom at Ford.

But with the war winding down, demands for their producsts fell, and the supply of labour increased. This allowed management to revert to earlier harsher practices. The workers could see all of their labour gains disappearing. They felt they had held back on their demands, during the depression and then during the war years, and in 1945 they decided that they had waited long enough.

Workers could see all of their labour gains disappearing. Ford was getting ready for commercial production. The job market was flooded, layoffs were threatened and Ford was clamping down, trying to return to prewar conditions in the plant. And those conditions were bad for the workers.

In those days, the boss was the boss. His word was law and if a worker didn’t like it, he could quit. Foremen accepted bribes and picked favourites from “chore boys” who cut lawns, shovelled snow, and painted homes to keep their jobs.

In one case, Wallace Campbell, the president of the Canadian operation of Ford, entered the plant, saw a worker dogging it and fired the man before he found out that the guy didn’t even work for Ford. He was a government inspector. The company felt that workers were selling their labour like any other commodity, and had little interest in the product or the company.

In all, Ford workers had 24 demands, including layoff pay, security for veterans, more vacation pay, a better grievance procedure, better medical benefits and compensation for work on Sundays and holidays. First and foremost, the workers wanted union security and a check-off of dues... all union powers that many workers now take for granted. Thus, while there were many issues, this one dominated because Ford was bound and determined not to grant the union a "closed shop". A closed shop was one in which everyone who worked at the company was a member of the union --indeed had to be. The argument was that in an open shop, in which membership was voluntary, some workers became members and paid dues, but all workers benefited when the union negotiated improved working conditions. Ford vowed that it would not give in to such a demand. It would set a bad precedent for all its workers, including those in the U.S. --indeed for all of America.

Contract negotiations had been underway for 18 months, but it seemed that without a strike, an agreement just couldn’t be reached. The union's collective bargaining committee and executive called for a strike vote. The workers voted for a strong mandate to strike. Roy England was President of UAW local 200. He saw that the Ford company was trying to destroy the union. He declared that workers wanted a real contract with a "closed shop" clause and he vowed that they would not go back to work until they had it.



The Strike Begins
On September 12th, 1945, the history-making strike began at the Ford Motor Company in Windsor. It was a ground-breaking event, an epic battle, a struggle for the very survival of UAW local 200. In all, Ford workers had 24 demands, including layoff pay, security for veterans, more vacation pay, a better grievance procedure, better medical benefits and compensation for work on Sundays and holidays. First and foremost, the workers wanted union security and a check-off of dues... all union powers that many workers now take for granted.

Most workers believed in the strike, but some did not. On the first day, a worker tried to stay on the job and had to be chased around the plant before he would leave. The crane operator refused to go out, and strikers threw stones at him. Still others, only served on the picket line at night, not wanting to get involved in the politics of the strike.

Picketers were generally nonviolent, but they did block non-union and non-striking workers from their jobs. On the second day, picketers marched four abreast across the front of the Ford buildings, preventing all access to the plant. When female office workers realized they weren’t going in, they placed their lunch bags at curb-side for the pickets and headed for home.

Ford officials were also refused access. They abandoned the plant and headed downtown to set up shop on the fifth floor of the Prince Edward Hotel. Later, union steward, Neil Carruthers was charged by police for ‘besetting’ and ‘obstructing’ access to the factory, which prompted debate about the legality of the union actions.

It seemed that it would be a long strike. Strike support appeals went out, such as the one shown below.

In early October and, for the first time in Ford history, the workers were successful shuting down the central power plant, depriving the factory of light, heat and power. Company officials complained to the government that pipes would freeze and burst in the cold, expensive machinery would be ruined, and that the plant might be destroyed by fire.

In response, the city sent in Windsor police, the province sent in 230 special police, and the federal government sent in Mounties with orders to reopen the power plant. This anti-union action had been done in the 1941 Kirkland Lake gold miner strike successfully. As in Kirkland Lake, they formed a ‘flying wedge’ around private security guards to protect them from strikers, and tried to force their way in. But the workers had learned from the Kirland Lake experience and used all the resources at their disposal. Just as the police attacked, the strikers drove cars in to block the entrance. They parked and locked the cars in close proximity. A scuffle ensued, and strikers – by using the cars and their sheer force of numbers – pushed the police back.

This incensed the mayor of Windsor, Arthur Reaume, who threatened to request the imposition of martial law. On 5 November he announced that military force would be used against the strikers. The intention was that the police would be used to open access to the plant, allow strike-breakers in, and thereby break the strike and the union. When 250 additional mounted RCMP officers arrived on the site, the union leadership put out a call for a general strike and for support.

Support for the Strike

The Blockade

The strikers and their supporters also proceeded to assemble a stockpile of bricks, jackhandles, baseball bats, etc. The Chief of Police in Windsor said: "Any consequences that will follow the unlawful acts of the strikers will be their responsibility, not ours." The strikers held their ground and thereby were daily winning increasingly widespread public support.

Men fought for their democratic freedom overseas and, upon returning home, now they were seen as fighting for their economic freedom at the Ford Company plants. CCF MP Claire Gillis announced that the events at Ford was an attempt by the corporations to "smash the unions", and that workers were ready to take a stand "from Vancouver to Louisbourg."

Things were quite festive. There was a band, singing, and picketers marching throughout the day.

Amongst the general public there was no support for violence to be used against the strikers. In the face of this situation, the federal government proposed a compromise to the two sides. The issues in question would be refered to an impartial arbitrator and the workers would return to work. The workers voted on 19 December, 1945, to accept this offer, and Supreme Justice Ivan C. Rand was appointed to arbitrate the dispute.

The Arbitrator's Decision

The Significance of the Rand Formula
History since this time has shown the wisdom of this compromise between the open and closed shops. Unions have been strong and Ontario has enjoyed greater labour harmony and increased productivity ever since. Workers in other jurisdictions do not have such an equitable system. In present day France, for example, a union typically has only about one-third of its bargaining unit members paying dues. These few union members pay all of the costs of the union, while the other workers enjoy the benefits as a free ride. This issue will be come up time and time again in other contexts --see chapter 40, section __.

15.3 Move to Toronto and Entering Dentistry

Research Interest: Samuel Butler

In January, 1846, he went to school at Allesley, near Coventry and in 1848, at the age of twelve, he was sent to Shrewsbury School. At Shrewsbury he was able to visit his aunt and uncle, the Bathers, at their Meole Brace home. Samuel did not enjoy the hard life at Shrewsbury School under the fearsome Dr. Kennedy but he did at least escape his father's merciless beatings. Again, he recalled his Shrewsbury schooldays in "The Way of All Flesh", disguised as Roughborough, although his portrayal of the school is generally considered to be somewhat less than objective.

He left in 1854 for Cambridge after which he travelled to New Zealand where he succeeded as a sheep breeder (described in his "A First Year in Canterbury Settlement" (1863). He returned to England and wrote one of his best known novels "Erewhon" (1872), set in a fictitious land, a pointed satire of many of the customs, institutions and attitudes of the time, with which he was incensed. This was followed by "The Fair Raven" (1873) and a series of books on controversial scientific subjects. In 1896 he completed his "Life and Letters of Dr. Samuel Butler", his grandfather, and earlier head of Shrewsbury School. He translated "The Illiad" and "The Odyssey" (1898) and wrote "Shakespeare's Sonnets Reconsidered" (1899). "Erewhon Revisited" (1901) was his last novel published in his lifetime.

University of Toronto in the 1940s

Name Change

15.8 Society and Culture: 1945 - 1949

15.9 Thesis and Master of Arts: 1947 - 1949

Graduate Studies Having completed his B.A. John immediately carried on with graduate studies, also in English. He did course work all of the rest of 1947 and 1948. During his course work, he continued his investigations into Samuel Butler. Also in 1948 he started his thesis. By May, 1948 he completed all courses, and in July completed his thesis. M.A. Thesis He defended his thesis, entitled "Samuel Butler's Concept of the Family" in August, 1949. Altogether, his B.A. and M.A. had taken him 37 months, from 15 September 1945 to August, 1949. This thesis is in the University of Toronto library. The photograph at right, Esther, John, and three year old Ron, shows the Fletcher famiy about the time of John's Masters degree. This was just before the arrival of their second son, Bernard.

The final version of the thesis is dated August, 1949, and starts as follows:

"The Way of All Flesh" Samuel Butler's "The Way of All Flesh" was written in 1873 but not published until 1903. It has been described as the first twentieth century novel. In its iconoclasm, it certainly marks a break with the mainstream of the nineteenth century, and foreshadows the way that the twentieth century has seen criticism and questioning of just about every conventional value. "The Way of All Flesh" is principally about the relationship between Ernest Pontifex and his father Theobald, and is strongly autobiographical. One of Butler's chief concerns, writing soon after Darwin's "Origin of Species" (the book contains material composed over a twenty year span), was with the importance in the eventual character of heredity and environment, what we sometime today call the nature vs. nurture debate. Thus he puts the relationship that is his main concern in the context of Theobald's relationships with his own father and grandfather.

Ernest's mother Christina is even more unpleasant than his father. She, for example, wheedles confidences out of him as a child, which are then passed on to his father to be the occasion of further beatings; she writes Ernest letters full of pious hypocrisy.

Butler attacks the major institutions of nineteenth century England - the family, the church, the idea of class - because of their stifling effect on those people who do not - can not - fit into the accepted picture of how things are. It is in this that The Way of All Flesh is most powerful, and this is how it foreshadowed much of the writing which followed the effective destruction of these institutions in their nineteenth century form which followed the First World War.

While there is a plot, it is more a book about ideas. Butler uses his hero to voice his commentary on Victorian ideals. Most of it is still very relevant today. Ultimately it is a coming of age book.

Convocation: 11 November, 1949 John convocated 11 November, 1949, in Convocation Hall.