Organization
The
Sole Weapon of the Oppressed
Philosophers
have only interpreted the world, the point however is to change it.
Danishwaroun
nay sirf dunya ko samjha hai, asal maqsad dunya ko tabdeel karna hay.
Some
people say, “it is all very well of talking of uniting the poor to fight
against the rich. We agree
with everything you say, but it is not possible in Pakistan.
The rich are too powerful and they have all the wealth, arms,
knowledge, and connections. On
the other hand, poor people have nothing.
How can poor people who have absolutely nothing possibly defeat the
rich who have every imaginable privilege and power?”
The answer is,
He
who is unafraid of death by a thousand cuts will unseat the emperor.
The
relation of the workers to the capitalists is just like a fight between an
elephant and ants. An
individual ant is no match for an elephant.
With each stroke the elephant can kill thousands of ants. Yet, the ants are so numerous that eventually they crawl all
over the body of the elephant and compel the elephant to surrender.
This is called “death by a thousand little cuts.”
Similarly,
an individual worker is no match for a capitalist. With each stroke the capitalists can kill thousands of
workers. Yet, the workers are
much more numerous. Think
about it, every day a worker rises to give a capitalist tea and breakfast,
a worker drives the capitalist to the factory, a worker opens the gate of
the factory, another office worker brings all the ready made files and
reports to the capitalist which the capitalist barely glances at and
signs, hundreds of workers toil in the factory for the profit of the
capitalist. During the day,
workers take care of and raise the children of the capitalist-class.
In the evening when the capitalists go out for “entertainment”
workers serve them food and drinks. When
capitalists fight with each other over profit or monopoly of a market,
even here workers do the fighting for them.
The capitalists are totally dependent on workers.
Although individual workers are dependent on capitalists, the
capitalist class as a whole is totally dependent on the services of the
working-class. If the
working-class unites against the capitalists, they can compel them to
surrender just like the ants and the elephant.
That is why our party says, “he who is unafraid of death by a
thousand cuts can unseat the emperor.”
Organization
is the source of all power
It
is not enough to lay down the principles of Unity.
In order to change the world, the workers need a rock solid organization.
The fact is that poorly organized forces succumb to better-organized
forces. This is the law in
the natural world, where species that are unable to organize to defend
themselves against predators perish.
This is also true for human history, where poorly organized
communities and societies are enslaved and at times wholly eliminated by
better-organized forces. In
our own history we see that 10,000 highly organized British officers were
able to enslave 300,000,000 Indians.
Today a small but supremely well-organized ruling-class in the USA
is able to subjugate the rest of the world. Better-organized classes
defeat poorly organized classes. In
conclusion, workers can become free if they learn the lesson that organization
is the source of all power. In the battle against the ruling class the
workers have no other weapon but organization.
The
reason why the workers of Pakistan lost in all previous battles against
the ruling-class is because they did not possess a rock solid
revolutionary party. The
revolutionary party is key to future success.
The revolutionary party is constructed by painstaking work and
understanding the four principles of organization. Vanguard, Disciplined,
Connected, Centralized.
I.
Vanguard
Role
of the Revolutionary Intelligentsia and Battle Hardened Workers
The
working class has many organizations. Trade unions, cultural organizations, community based
self-help organizations, and so on, are some examples of workers organizations.
But these are not constructed along the lines of a revolutionary organization.
Consequently they are not revolutionary organizations.
The revolutionary party is not an ordinary organization of the
working-class. The party is
the highest form of all forms of organization and its mission is to guide
all the other organizations of the working class.
That is why we call it the vanguard organization of the working
class.
The
party must be armed with the most advanced knowledge of human society.
It must be armed with theory of Marxism-Leninism.
The party must have knowledge of the life, the laws of development
of society, and the laws of development of class struggle.
The party must be class-conscious and have experience of the
revolutionary movement. Only
when the party has command over the knowledge of society and class
struggle is it in a position to lead and direct the struggle of the entire
working-class and all its organizations to victory.
Therefore, any attempt to belittle or depreciate the leading role
of the party weakens all the other organizations of the working-class that
are guided by the party and consequently the entire working-class struggle
is weakened and disarmed.
In
this particular document we have tried to summarize and simplify some of
the basic principles of class struggle. But these are not enough.
The party must have the ability to apply these general principles
to the concrete conditions of life of every country.
The basic principle that every class-consciousness
worker needs to grasp is that every idea, every action, every
ideology, every organization is built to benefit a certain class.
Therefore, workers need to ask one basic question every time they
confront any situation in their lives.
The basic question is “Which class of people does this idea or
action benefit?” The work
of the party is to expose the class roots of all ideas in society and to
consolidate a workers movement on the basis of those ideas that are based
on the truth and working class struggle.
Thus, the task of the vanguard party is first and foremost to
expose the class base of other ideologies and organizations and on that
basis chart a course for the working-class revolution.
The task of the party is to educate the entire working class to the
level of the vanguard party and to lead the working class to victory.
But the question is “where can the workers find such
knowledgeable individuals?” They
can be found from two sources: the revolutionary intelligentsia and
battle hardened workers.
In
every society a special segment of the population is separated from the
general work of production to perform of the role of thinkers.
Their role in society is not to engage in the direct process of
production but to conceive, think, reflect, ponder, contemplate, study,
examine, research and analyze all the different elements of society.
This group of individuals are called the intelligentsia
(danishwar). In a society
divided between rich and poor, the intelligentsia (danishwar) are also
trained by the rich and serve the rich.
They not only develop new scientific discoveries, they also develop
ideologies through which the rich can control the poor.
However, as the process of scientific inquiry and human
understanding develops, a tiny section of the intelligentsia (danishwar)
begins to scientifically uncover the economic basis of the exploitation of
the working class. They begin
to understand the laws of class struggle and history.
They begin to unravel all the different mechanisms through which
the ruling class is able to control the working class.
As they uncover this truth, the truth makes them more and more
revolutionary minded. Thus, a small portion of the intelligentsia that has grasped
the scientific basis of exploitation and class struggle becomes the revolutionary
intelligentsia (inqalabi danishwar).
In other words, they are class traitors to the capitalist
class.
The
revolutionary intelligentsia plays a very important role in bringing a
scientific understanding of the dynamics of history and class struggle to
the entire working class. The
fact is that the deeper the depth of knowledge of the revolutionary
intelligentsia, the greater their loyalty to the working class. That is
why the greatest leaders of the workers of the world have been the
greatest intellectual minds of the last two centuries.
For example, Marx, Engels, and Lenin were all from privileged
backgrounds, but their vast knowledge about the capitalist system forms
the basis of the principles of class struggle of all the workers of the
world today. Thus, on the one
hand, workers must learn to distinguish genuine revolutionary
intellectuals from impostors, and on the other hand, safeguard and learn
from genuine revolutionary intellectuals.
But it is not necessary that revolutionary intellectuals come
exclusively from privileged backgrounds.
Workers who have been hardened by many years of class struggle
posses an extraordinary instinct and natural understanding of the dynamics
of society. Battle hardened workers are an invaluable asset of the
working class movement. Thus,
the leadership of the working class (the vanguard) should be
composed of the most knowledgeable and revolutionary elements recruited
from the revolutionary intelligentsia and battle hardened workers.
Strategy
and Tactics
In
order to lead the workers movement, the vanguard must be fully aware of
the strategy and tactics of political movements.
Strategy
– Strategy refers to the broad goals of the movement.
The strategy is to fight for the oppressed against the oppressor.
Thus, the strategy of the movement is to organize workers and
peasants, win the middle as a strong friend, neutralize the national
capitalists and rich peasants, and overthrow the ruling class of civil
military bureaucrats, big capitalists, and feudal lords.
Tactics –
A child must learn to walk before he can run.
Similarly, big strategic task cannot be accomplished without taking
small steps. These small
steps are called tactics. Some
people think that tactics are not important.
When differences over tactics arise they say, “oh these are just
differences of tactics, we are agreed on everything else.”
This is incorrect. Without
correct tactics success cannot be achieved.
Since incorrect tactics lead to failure, differences on tactics are
of the most vital importance to a movement.
In
any conflict the aim of each side is to break the will of the enemy to
resist. The will of the
enemy to resist can be broken only by the growth and unity of the forces
at our disposal and the destruction and division of the forces at the
disposal of the opposition. The forces at the disposal of the opposition
are ideological, political, economic, military, social, organizational,
and cultural. Our tactics should be able to destroy the ideological,
political, economic, military, social, organizational, and cultural power
of the ruling class and build the power of the working class. This can be done by correctly applying the principle of the Mass
Line. The mass line unites the many to fight the few.
The correct mass line energizes the oppressed classes and isolates
and weakens the ruling class. The most serious mistake in tactics arises from confusing
objective reality with the desire of revolutionaries. One must not regard what is obsolete for us as being obsolete
for the class or the masses. In
choosing the appropriate tactics one must soberly observe the actual state
of class-consciousness and preparedness of the whole class and of all the
toiling masses. In other
words, the mass line must unite the working people and take them along
with the revolutionaries.
II.
Disciplined
Professional Revolutionary
However,
knowledgeable a vanguard may be, it can do nothing with that knowledge if
it is not organized and disciplined.
Without unity of will, unity of action, and unity of discipline,
the knowledge of that vanguard cannot be utilized in a political movement
for revolution. Thus, the revolutionary Party is not a mere agglomeration
of persons who declare that they are party members.
It is not a group of people without any order, hierarchy,
discipline, or organization. Such
a loose group of people can never win any battle.
In a loose group 1 + 1 equals the power of 2.
In an organized group 1 + 1 equals 11.
A loose group of people is like an open hand with all the fingers
separated. A revolutionary
party is like a tightly closed fist.
The
revolutionary Party is tightly knit, disciplined, and organized
detachment of the working class.
The solidity of this organization depends on the discipline of its
members. Thus, a
revolutionary party has a common discipline binding on all members, both
leaders and workers. In a
revolutionary party there are no ‘chosen few’ on whom discipline is
not binding. The duties binding on ordinary party member are binding on
leading party members. The
heroism, strength of conviction, and resolve of its leadership determine
the integrity and unity of the entire party.
Thus, the leadership of a revolutionary working-class party must be
imbued with the spirit of sacrifice and struggle.
The leadership must have the capacity to inspire all the working
people to fight under its revolutionary banner.
The party must be composed of the finest, most honest, brave,
sincere, self-sacrificing, militant and battle-hardened members of the
working-class. The party
cannot tolerate even an iota of corruption or dishonesty in its ranks.
The entire working-class is inspired and held together by the
heroism and discipline of the party.
Therefore, the party should be composed of rock solid individuals
who are ready to sacrifice their lives for the workers.
The hearts of party members must burn with fire, and their nerves
must be cool as ice.
Thus,
a party member must be a professional revolutionary.
A professional revolutionary is a person who makes revolution his
or her profession. Therefore,
they must be ready to subjugate all personal and private matters to the
greater interests of the party and the struggle of the working class. A professional revolutionary must learn all the methods of organization,
political mobilization, and most importantly how to safeguard internal
information of the party and struggle from the intelligence agencies that
are always intriguing to split movements and parties.
It
follows that the voluntary and self-imposed discipline of a revolutionary
party is extremely strict and borders on military discipline.
Individuals become members of an organization of the party and are
obliged to obey party decisions. Without
this form of self-imposed party discipline it is not possible to create
real organizational unity. Thus,
the unity of will and unity of action is a product of the unity of
discipline of a party. Whoever weakens the discipline of the party helps the enemies
of the party.
In
conclusion, the party can lead the revolution of the working class and
direct it towards one aim only if all its members are organized in a
system of organizations of professional revolutionaries forming one solid
common detachment, welded together by unity of will, unity of action, and
unity of discipline.
III.
Connected
Mass
Organizations and Party Fronts
Some
organizations are knowledgeable and also highly committed and disciplined;
however, they are not connected with the struggle of the working-class.
Such organizations forget that a revolutionary party is built to
serve the working-class. However
fine a vanguard party may be, and however well it may be organized and
disciplined, it cannot exist and develop without connections with the
non-Party masses. It cannot
grow without constantly multiplying and strengthening these connections.
A party that shuts itself up in its own shell and isolates itself
from the masses is bound to lose the confidence and support of the masses.
If the party loosens, slackens or even relaxes its connections with
its class, it is bound to perish. Connections
with the masses of people are like nutrition and oxygen for the party.
In order to live to the full and to develop, the party must
multiply its connections with the masses and win the confidence of the
millions of its class. Thus, the party must be intricately connected
to the struggle of the working-class millions.
The
party is connected to the working-class millions through mass organizations
such as trade unions, peasant committees, student unions, and cultural
societies. Party members work
selflessly for the working-class within these mass organizations and
establish mass links. By
their honest hard work they attempt to win influence among the broad
working population. In
conclusion, party members seek to win the leadership of these organizations
by dint of honest hard work and revolutionary farsightedness.
Therefore, generally speaking any platform that helps to build
links and connections to the masses should be utilized by the
revolutionary party.
Why
Revolutionaries should participate in Reactionary Trade Unions?
Capitalism
creates the industrial working-class from diverse and disunited elements.
At first, workers are totally helpless owing to their disunity.
Gradually, workers become aware of their common class interests and
form trade unions to bargain for better wages and better working
conditions. Thus, trade unions are the first, most elementary, most
simple, and most easily accessible form of class organization of workers.
They are schools for working-class struggle, for a future
working-class society, and help to prepare workers for gradually
transferring the management of the whole economy to the hands of the
working-class. Therefore,
trade unions represent enormous progress for the working-class.
Limitations
of Trade Unions
Trade
unions are the most elementary form of class organization and the
revolutionary party is the highest form of class organization. Therefore, when workers begin to form a revolutionary party
the limitations of trade unions become apparent.
These limitations are that trade unions have a tendency towards
becoming inert, non-political, or exclusively focused on their own factory
or industry. Furthermore,
employers utilize the services of police-agents, mullahs, and pocket union
leaders not only to divide and weaken trade unions but also to ensure that
workers do not come in contact with revolutionaries.
These agents of the capitalist class try to create a narrow minded,
selfish, hard-hearted, corrupt, covetous, and capitalist minded culture in
the workers. They try to
indoctrinate ideas such as the defence of capitalist democracy, the
“independence” of trade unions from the revolutionary party, and on
the whole try to sabotage working-class discipline.
Moreover, these elements attempt by every means to make the work of
revolutionaries in the trade unions as unpleasant as possible.
They insult, bait, and persecute revolutionaries.
Owing to all these limitations of trade unions certain people
conclude that revolutionaries should not work in such trade unions.
This is totally incorrect.
Why
We Must Participate Even in Reactionary Trade Unions?
The
development of the proletariat can only proceed through the trade unions
and through their interaction with the party of the working class.
Therefore, to refuse to work in reactionary trade unions means
leaving workers under the influence of the agents of the capitalist class,
reactionary leaders, police agents, pocket union leaders, and capitalist
minded leaders. To fear the
limitations of trade unions, to try to avoid them, or skip them, is the
greatest mistake. It means
fearing to assume the role of a revolutionary teacher and leader of
workers. The purpose of the
revolutionary teacher and leader of the working class is to destroy the
political influence of the agents of the capitalist class and train,
educate, enlighten, and draw into new life all the workers and the
peasants.
Therefore,
boycotting trade unions helps the capitalist class, not the workers.
The party is ready to make any and every sacrifice to overcome all
obstacles in order to penetrate the trade unions and establish contact
with the working-class. The
party systematically, perseveringly, persistently and patiently continues
revolutionary agitation in all institutions, societies, and
associations—even the most reactionary—to which workers belong.
The party works in all organizations where the masses are to be
found. And the trade unions
are precisely the organizations in which the masses are to be found.
Only by working in these mass organizations can the party help the
masses and win their sympathy, confidence, and support.
Further, it is absolute stupidity to make recognition of our party
or program a precondition of membership of a trade union. This
damages the influence of the revolutionaries on the masses.
The whole task of the communists is to be able to convince the
backward elements by working among them and not to fence themselves off
from them by artificial revolutionary slogans.
In
conclusion, the revolutionary party relies directly on the trade unions.
Without close contact and the self-sacrificing hearty support of
trade unions, it is not possible to lead the workers to victory.
In conclusion, the revolutionary party seeks to gain such broad
prestige in the working-class that the controlling bodies of the
overwhelming majority of the unions carry out all the instructions of the
party even if they are not members of the party.
If the party succeeds in its work of connecting the working class,
the movement will develop a flexible, relatively wide, and very powerful
working-class apparatus. With the development of this mass working class apparatus the
workers revolution becomes a reality.
The
Revolutionary Party and the Peasants
In
Pakistan the majority of the working people are peasants. Approximately 55 of all people live in villages and a great
many others are linked to villages through small towns. Therefore, a
revolution in Pakistan is impossible without a solid connection with the
peasants. The party has to
work actively to promote the struggle against feudalism and large
landlords. The urban workers and the rural workers are the solid base of
the revolution in Pakistan. The
party must promote all revolutionary minded peasants and all the struggles
of the peasantry.
In
order to achieve this noble task, contact of the revolutionary party with
the broad masses of peasants must be established through mass organizations,
secret societies, committees, and conferences of peasants. The party and class conscious workers strive by every means
to support, develop and extend these peasant mass organizations in order
to be able to learn from people, come closer to them, respond to their
needs, promote their best workers, and educate them.
The congresses of peasants committees are the basis of working
class democracy and help to unite the working people. The revolutionary party should send capable working-class
leaders to all peasant mass organizations in order to unite the workers
and peasants of Pakistan. In
conclusion, the agrarian work of the party can only be carried out through
the mass organizations of the peasants.
Why
Revolutionaries Should Participate in Capitalist Parliaments and Elections
The
capitalist class created the parliamentary system in order to facilitate
the work of the capitalist class. Thus,
the parliament is an instrument of capitalist rule. It follows that the final goal of our party is to dispense
with capitalist parliaments and create a peoples parliament.
Some people conclude from this argument that we must not
participate in the capitalist parliament. They argue that we must always boycott parliaments and
capitalist institutions because participation in bourgeois institutions
corrupts revolutionaries. This
is also incorrect.
Generally
speaking, as long as revolutionaries are unable to disperse capitalist
institutions with revolutionary institutions, we work inside them to
educate workers who are stupefied by the agents of the capitalist class.
Therefore, revolutionaries build a working-class opposition within
all capitalist institutions.
People
who argue that parliaments should always be boycotted because they have a
corrupting influence on revolutionaries have not understood the tactics of
class struggle. Our goal is
to create a new revolutionary society of justice and equality.
Naturally, such a society cannot be created with leaders who are
easily corrupted by petty privileges.
In fact, parliament is an excellent test to check the honesty and
sincerity of leaders. The
workers can not only create a good incorruptible parliamentary group of
convinced, devoted, heroic revolutionaries, they are actively creating an
entire society on the basis of equality and justice.
During
ordinary conditions the parliament helps to gauge the measure of success
of the workers struggle. During repressive conditions when it is often
necessary to hide leaders underground, the development of good, reliable,
experienced and authoritative leaders can only be accomplished by
combining open parliamentary and trade union activity with the work of
distributing Party literature. Further,
at times the tactic of boycott is extremely useful for the working-class.
In a situation where extra parliamentary revolutionary mass action
(for example, strikes and agrarian movements) is growing with exceptional
rapidity, the tactic of boycott may intensify the revolutionary wave and
strengthen the connection of the party with the broad masses.
In
conclusion, the revolutionary party utilizes elections and the
parliamentary platform in a revolutionary manner to educate and enlighten
the working-class. The
experience of revolutionary movements in the world teaches important
lessons. Experience teaches
that the work of dispersing a capitalist parliament is not hindered but
facilitated by the presence of a working-class opposition within the
parliament. Therefore, participation in elections and the parliament is
obligatory for the revolutionary party of the working-class.
IV.
Centralized
Chain
of Command
A
party may be knowledgeable, disciplined, and also connected to the working
class but if there is no clear chain of command in the party then the
party is unable to take rapid decisions in order to manoeuvre sharply to
avoid the rocks and pitfalls in its path.
Without a clear chain of command the party is like a dull knife.
With a clear chain of command the party becomes like a sharp knife.
Therefore,
the party is organized on the principle of centralism. Centralization
means that the party structure is hierarchical.
This hierarchical centralism is based on four principles.
Failing these conditions, organizations cannot be transformed into
revolutionary parties and cannot carry out its tasks in guiding the class.
The four conditions are:
This
centralization ensures that the party functions as a monolith of iron.
Thus, the party has one set of rules, a uniform party discipline, and one
leading organ—the Party Congress.
All-Party
Congress
The
All-Party Congress is the supreme and leading organ of the party.
It has absolute power in all matters concerning the party.
The All-Party Congresses gives all branches and individual members
of the party the chance to voice their opinions to the entire party. The debates and the decisions of the Congress are published
for the entire party to read. Thus,
regular All-Party Congresses are the oxygen of democracy in the party.
Through a series of conferences and debates at all levels the
All-Party Congress creates the centralized structure of national,
provincial, and district committees of the party and sets the general
line of the party.
Central
Committee
In
the interval between the All-Party Congresses, the Central Committee is
the leading organ of the party.
The Central Committee is elected during the All-Party Congress and
is composed of the most farsighted and dedicated individuals from all over
the country. The Central
Committee is like the General Head Quarters (GHQ) or like the brain of the
party and works to implement the general line of the Central Committee in
the specific conditions of the country.
Provincial
Committee
The
Central Committee is connected to the Provincial Committees.
The provincial committees are composed of the leading individuals
from the entire province. The provincial committees work to implement the decisions of
the Central Committee in the specific conditions of their province.
Therefore, the provincial committees are like the communications
department or the nervous system of the body.
They carry the signals of the brain to all the individual parts of
the body and translate general decisions into specific signals to specific
branches.
District
Committee
The
Provincial Committees are connected to the District Committees.
The District Committees work to implement the decisions of the
Provincial Committee in the specific conditions of their district.
The district committees are the foot soldiers or the arms and legs
of the party. They mobilize
the cadres at the ground level and implement decisions.
Mass Organizations
The
district committees are connected to Cells that operate within mass
organizations. The cells work
to convince the mass organizations and the general population to undertake
a certain action. The mass organizations are the weapons in the hands of
soldiers or the tools in the arms of the party. With the assistance of these weapons powerful enemies can be
defeated and with the assistance of these tools hard rocks be smashed and
great loads be lifted. Thus, the entire structure of the party looks like
the following diagram.

Attacks
Against the Party
Wherever
the workers begin to get organized, certain elements that favour the
ruling-class begin to work against organization. The capitalist class understand that organization is the main
weapon of the oppressed. Thus,
they call into question the very principles of organization and try to
destroy the centralized leadership of workers organizations. That is why
they attack all the four principles of the party and use various
ideological tricks to confuse the people.
Attacks
on the Vanguard –
First, agents of the capitalist class attack and ridicule the
revolutionary intelligentsia. They
say that intellectuals can never become leaders of the workers and ‘only
workers should lead workers’. These
capitalist elements take great pleasure in pointing out all the personal
habits in which revolutionary intellectuals are different from workers.
By doing so, they hope to lower the prestige or ridicule the
revolutionary intellectuals in the eyes of the workers.
The fact is that revolutionary ideas first take root among the
intelligentsia and then they travel to the workers.
While workers must learn to recognise opportunist intellectuals
from genuine revolutionary intellectuals but this does not mean that
workers should be opposed to all intellectuals.
Those who promote the philosophy that ‘only workers should lead
workers’ help the capitalist class by preventing revolutionary ideas
from influencing the working-class. And
by preventing revolutionary ideas from influencing the working-class these
elements strengthen the ruling-class.
Such elements cannot be tolerated in our ranks.
Attacks
on Party Discipline –
Second, agents of the capitalist class attack the discipline of the party.
They say that that party discipline is oppressive and ‘workers
need freedom from discipline’. They
argue that capitalism is terrible because it introduces tight discipline,
and that similarly, party discipline is like capitalist discipline.
They try to involve party workers in all kinds of secondary and
unimportant activities to prevent them from doing their real revolutionary
work. The fact is that
capitalist discipline is enforced in order to produce more profit for the
capitalist. Party discipline
is voluntarily accepted in order to overthrow the capitalist system.
Without discipline it is not possible to overthrow the
ruling-class. Therefore,
whoever weakens party discipline and undermines the iron unity and iron
discipline of the party helps the capitalists against the workers. Such elements cannot be tolerated in our ranks.
Attacks
on the Connections of the Party –
Third, the agents of the capitalist class attack the connections of the
party to mass organizations. They
understand that without connections to the mass of people the party cannot
grow or lead the mass of workers. Thus,
they discourage people from working in trade unions, student organizations,
peasant organizations and other mass fronts.
They point out weaknesses within mass fronts and try to convince
revolutionaries from not working in these organizations.
Thus, they seek to sever the connection of the revolutionaries with
the masses. The fact is that
mass fronts are like oxygen and food for the party.
The party cannot recruit new cadres or lead the mass of the working
people without engaging in mass fronts.
We cannot build a revolutionary society from human material created
by our imagination, but with the material given to us by capitalism. This
is very difficult but no other approach to this task is serious enough to
deserve discussion. Thus, any
attack on the connection of the party to mass fronts is like cutting the
oxygen and food of the party. Such
elements cannot be tolerated in our ranks.
Attacks
on Centralization –
Fourth, the agents of the capitalist class attack the centralization of
the party. They claim that a centralized
party structure is undemocratic. They
say that centralized parties impose a ‘dictatorship of the leaders’
where the workers have no voice. They
say that if such a centralized party comes to power, it will lead to a
terrible dictatorship. Instead
of a “top down party” they say they wish to create a “bottom up
party”. The fact is that
the masses are divided into classes.
Each class has a separate party that is led by a stable group of
leaders (Masses – Class – Party – Leaders).
Without a stable group of leaders, it is not possible to organize a
party to lead the revolutionary class.
Revolutionary experience teaches the workers that without good
leaders the workers have nothing. Those
who talk of a ‘dictatorship of the leaders’ only wish to substitute
the party leadership for their own leadership.
It is true that at times party leaders make mistakes and even
display undemocratic attitudes, however, this does not mean that the very
concept of leadership and centralization should be called into question.
All political parties and political movements are built “top
down” and not “bottom up” because those people who are politically
conscious take the initiative and organize the rest of the people.
Since they take the initiative and have the courage to organize the
people, they become leaders whom the people love, admire, respect, and
protect. Such leaders are
precious and deserve our hearty support.
These
capitalist elements often say, “if we have too much centralism we will
not have democracy, and if we have too much democracy we will not have
centralism.” Thus, they
hold the opinion that centralization is the opposite of democracy and they
equate decentralisation with democracy.
In fact, this thinking is influenced by the capitalist philosophy
of liberalism that equates decentralisation with democracy.
When revolutionaries talk of democratic centralism we do not mean
decentralised centralism. That
would be a self-contradictory term. By
democratic centralism revolutionaries mean a voluntarily accepted
centralism. This centralism
is obtained by holding regular party congresses in which unity of thought,
unity of discipline, and unity of action is obtained by discussion and
debate. Thus, democracy leads to centralism and centralism is the
expression of the unity of the party and the unity of the workers.
Opportunism elements that try to undermine the principle of centralization
cannot be tolerated among our ranks.
Those
who attack the party spirit by attacking its vanguard, discipline,
connections, or centralization help the ruling class.
These elements hold back the growth of the party by spreading
confusion. Therefore, when such elements are thrown out of the party,
the party becomes stronger.
In
conclusion, organization is the source of power.
A revolutionary party is built on four principles.