Outlook 11/13/00
By John Leo
Media
hopscotch
How yesterday's hero
becomes tomorrow's heel
Media-watchers know that there are two main theories about
press coverage of presidential campaigns. The cyclical theory
holds that reporters tend to blow hot and cold on both
candidates, always gang-tackling the one who is ahead and
propping up the one behind, thus adding excitement to the
race. In contrast, the liberal-bias theory holds that
reporters "perhaps without even realizing it, tend to have
worldviews that favor Democrats–and this shows, sometimes not
so subtly, in their coverage." This mild description of the
bias theory comes from Mickey Kaus, the Internet commentator.
The line "tend to have worldviews that favor Democrats" is
polite understatement. A 1992 Roper poll of Washington
reporters and bureau chiefs showed that 89 percent voted for
Bill Clinton, 7 percent voted for George Bush. This is the
kind of voting pattern we might expect among political
reporters in Poland under the Communists or in Iraq today.
Here's how the cyclical theory would apply. During the
primaries, Al Gore and George Bush both got unfavorable
treatment from a press corps that much preferred Bill Bradley
and John McCain. The monthlong drubbing that Bush took over
the Confederate flag and Bob Jones University was naturally
followed by a compensatory burst of good coverage. This rose
to a glorifying peak in summer when polls had him way ahead.
With no place to go but down, Bush had a predictably miserable
September, ushered in by his crude remark about a reporter,
the "RATS" commercial, and several unsuccessful bouts with
English syntax. Gore therefore entered his golden era, which
lasted about six weeks–from the convention kiss to the first
debate. Then the wheel turned again in Bush's direction.
Dead in the water. Remember, by mid-September the Bush
campaign looked dead in the water. Several pundits announced
that Bush was toast. But cyclical theorists knew what was
coming. In the Washington Post of September 21, staff
reporter Dana Milbank wrote: "This just in. The Bush campaign
is rebounding. . . . Remember the stiff and programmed Gore,
the earth-toned, faux-farm-working, pot-smoking,
Fairfax-Hotel-living, slumlord Gore? Don't worry–he'll be back
when the cycle turns again. We're due for a Bush recovery any
day now."
Sure enough, the recovery was only a week or so away. The
new cycle may have started with the snorting, smirking,
eyeball-rolling Gore performance in the first debate. Or it
may have begun because anti-Bush media bias suddenly became an
issue in Washington, causing reporters to think twice about
the tone of coverage. Charles Cook, publisher of the Cook
Political Report, said pro-Democratic reporters were
"larding their stories with their own ideological biases"
because it suddenly looked possible for Gore to win. Howard
Kurtz, media reporter for the Washington Post,
discussed this possibility seriously under the headline "Are
the Media Tilting to Gore?" And columnist Charles Krauthammer
attracted a lot of attention with a September 29 column
listing the September Page 1 headlines on Gore and Bush in the
New York Times. Most of them were so heavily skewed
against Bush, he wrote, that "it would take a mollusk to miss
the pattern."
The irony here is that believers in the liberal-bias theory
seem to have made the competing cyclical theory look more
accurate. In September, Republicans complained loudly, with
some justification, that the media had ignored Gore's tall
tales, specifically the one about arthritis medicine for his
mother-in-law's dog, while vastly overplaying the RATS
issue.
By mid-October, Democrats and liberal commentators were
doing the complaining, again with some justification. Margaret
Carlson, Jonathan Alter, E. J. Dionne, and others were asking
why Gore's embellishments were endlessly kicked around in the
media while Bush's inaccuracies and off-the-cuff fibs were
being ignored. Here we have history's first great wave of
liberal whining about conservative bias in Washington
political coverage.
Gore had some legitimate beefs. He was, in part, the
inspiration for the hero of Love Story. He never said
he discovered Love Canal. He did in fact play a large role in
developing the Internet. But there were so many embellishments
that reporters kept running with the story. Bush's
inaccuracies were duller and harder to explain. Gore's claim
that he had accompanied James Lee Witt to Texas was the last
straw to many reporters, who began to see the embellishments
as a character flaw of some importance. An anti-Gore bias may
have come into play. The flood of embellishments crystallized
what so many reporters think about Gore–that he is inauthentic
and not very principled. So they never let go of the
issue.
Many people predicted the media's pro-Bush turn of early
and mid-October, but nobody seems to have predicted that it
would be the final cycle. There was plenty of time for the
second great Gore comeback, but it never materialized (unless
the timely revelation of Bush's drunk driving in 1976 is
setting off a whirlwind four-day Gore cycle). Nobody knows
why. But on the basis of the media performance in October, the
liberal-bias theory seems to be in some trouble.