David A

Julian the Philosopher-Emperor

In today' popular terminology the emperor Julian II would likely be labeled a "survivor." He survived the massacre of his family and the countless plots of imperial courtiers to destroy him to become emperor. He proved himself to be a philosopher, soldier and statesman, yet his fame rests on the notorious epithet "The Apostate." Of the accomplishments during his nineteen months of sole rule Julian is remembered for attempting to restore pagan worship against the enormous tide of Christianity. It seems quixotic of him to make the attempt and he appears to be out of touch with his times. Or was he?

This article will explore the times in which Julian lived and what he sought to accomplish during his short life.

The Chaos of the Third Century

The 3^rd century marked a turning point for the Roman empire. The armies turned emperor-maker, discarding one choice for another when a new candidate appeared. Gaul, one of the most prosperous provinces, broke away from the empire for fifteen years. Frontier defenses were greatly weakened allowing barbarian peoples to invade deeply into the once unassailable Mediterranean; Athens was sacked by the Goths and Rome itself, which had not needed defenses for seven hundred years, was surrounded by a massive wall built between 270 and 280; frequent outbreaks of plague decimated the population. The Persians, taking advantage of the disunity, were able to smash a Roman army and take the emperor Valerian captive. By Aurelian's reign silver and gold coinage were subject to uncontrolled inflation and were debased to a fraction of their former value.

Stability was slow in being restored. The barbarians were pushed back and wayward provinces restored but inflation was unstoppable and the army continued its role of emperor-maker. Egyptian papyri inform us that an artab of wheat (roughly a bushel) had cost 2-1/2 tetradrachms in 200, jumped to 50 by 270, then soared to 2,500 by 314. The monetary crisis was partially solved, following reforms by other emperors, by Constantine I with the introduction of the solidus, valued for its bullion content. On the other hand, silver and bronze continued to purchase less and the poor, who exclusively used bronze coins, suffered most as more and more of these worthless coins were circulated, increasing the already rampant inflation.

Diocletian took a pragmatic view of the problems facing the empire. To control the army setting up rival emperors, military and civic careers were separated. Senators were excluded from military careers and the State was reorganized into departments run by an ever increasing bureaucracy. Republican magistracies, such as the consulship, were turned into empty honors. The emperor became larger than life, separated from the people he governed. On the rare occasions when he was seen in public, the emperor was in effect: dominus et deus. In Asia, the sovereign had always been considered both king and god; the increasing popularity of mystery religions, such as Mithras and Cybelle, brought the idea to Rome. From the time of Commodus, who was the first to assume the title invictus (invincible). The emperor became more and more connected with the divine. Invictus was an attribute of the Sun-god, which made the emperor the recipient of divine grace, crowned by the rays of the sun. It became the usual practice to refer to the emperor as dominus noster, which carried over into coin inscriptions in the 4^th century. Constantine I thought of himself as God's chosen representative, even to including himself among the apostles, thereby granting himself sanctity, which his successors then assumed.

To combat inflation Diocletian issued an edict of price controls in 301 for every commodity and service. For example, a pound of grapes was set at four drachmas and sewer cleaners came for 100 drachmas a day plus keep. The penalty for buying or selling at a higher price was not imprisonment but death or exile. The result was that scarcely any goods were offered out of fear of transgressing the law and prices soared still higher. After a period of trying to make the law work it was repealed.

The emperor discovered it was easier to control people than prices. Taxes had previously been collected in units of wheat, barley, timber, wine etc. and this method was adopted as the new taxing system. Ninety percent of state revenue came from taxes on land and fell to the agrarian poor to pay. More and more money was exacted from this source, weighing down its victims. Tenant farmers would leave the land when overburdened by taxes or threatened by invasion. If they ran away landlords and tax collectors forced them back. To supply taxes in kind it was necessary to have someone planting, harvesting and transporting crops. In implementing his tax reform Diocletian had the entire empire surveyed and divided into units called iuga: the area of land cultivated by a single family; who became slaves to the land. Over time, almost all professions were held as duties to the State and the burden of supplying services descended from father to son, controlled to the most minute of details.

Taxation became a sever burden, as emperors found their expenditures did not keep up with payments, and it was not uncommon to use violence in their collection. Constantine I instituted a poll-tax to realize additional taxes to keep up with the large subversions paid to barbarian tribes, increasing payments to the army and his own personal extravagance, an example that his courtiers followed. Such crushing taxation succeeded in destroying the people who paid them and increased hostility toward the state.

The Roman empire was made up of autonomous cities that, under the authority of the governor, had its own land as a source of revenue. The curiales, or city council, governed the city. To serve was an honor but financial burden, one that demanded endowment to the city, so councilors were drawn from wealthy families with the office passed from father to son. In the 3^rd century, invasions, rebellions and inflation took their toll on city leaders and many cities had just enough revenue to keep public buildings in repair.

Under Diocletian's system, taxes were collected city by city with the responsibility for collection placed on the curiales. Should there be a shortfall the city councilors had to make up the difference. The dubious honor of council service usually meant being reduced to beggary (Lib. 18.146). Those who retained some wealth sought to escape from serving by entering an exempt profession: the Christian clergy, becoming a senator, or joining the imperial bureaucracy. As the emperor became more authoritarian, cities were not encouraged to flourish and Constantine I even confiscated the tax revenues and took their land. The middle class, the backbone of the empire, was coerced into becoming members of the council: in effect, the became agents of the government. Aside from tax assessment and collection, it was the city council's duty to manage Imperial properties and recruit soldiers for the army. They were also responsible for the aurum cornarium, and irregular tax that went straight to the emperor to pay for the celebration of his five year festivals.

Conversion of the State to Christianity

At he beginning of the 4^th century Christian communities had existed for 250 years. The faith was strongest among urban people, particularly in Antioch, Alexandria and Rome. Christians differed from all other religious groups in their organization; each community had a bishop as its leader who kept in contact with other communities, and they were committed to converting pagans to their faith. However, rural people, the largest component of the population, remained pagan.

Pagan faith was handed down from father to son and was regarded as a connection with the traditions of the past. Pagan critics of Christianity were troubled by the incoherence of the Christian position toward the religions of the State. Christians claimed they alone had the key to salvation, their ethics were superior and they were indestructible, for persecutions only increased their numbers. Tertullian exhorted his followers to pay no honors to the emperor (Apology, 35) and went so far as to claim nation status for Christianity (To the Nations, 8). Because they despised pagan rituals, and their own seemed nothing short of barbaric, many pagans regarded Christians as public enemies, a third race of men.

The Roman state had adopted no policy toward Christianity and the sporadic persecutions that occurred were isolated. This changed when a series of edits were passed by Diocletian against the Christians that applied to all parts of the empire. The edits were prompted after army sacrifices were upset by Christian soldiers making the sign of the cross and several mysterious fires occurred that were blamed on Christians. The persecutions (303 - 312) were carried out with zeal by some and others, such as Constantius Chlorus, probably destroyed religious shrines and went no further.

In 311, Galerius, admitting that the persecutions had failed, issued an edict granting toleration, leaving Maximinus Daia as the lone persecutor.

Constantine I shared the beliefs and superstitions of his time and was brought up in the worship of Sol Invictus, which his coinage celebrated portraying the god as "Soli Invicto Comti". He was probably familiar with Christianity from his friends and courtiers. Then, in 312, Constantine had a dream in which Christ appeared and told him that if he put the Chi-Rho monogram on the shields of his soldiers he would be victorious over his rival, Maxentius. The battle of the Milvian Bridge was a victory giving Constantine half of the empire. Having sought the support of the Christian God, and gained victory, he found that this God was powerful enough to protect him. His worship of Sol made Constantine's transition to Christianity easier, as he may have believed that Christ and the Sun-god were aspects of the same Highest Divinity. Clement of Alexandria wrote of Christ driving his chariot across the heavens like the Sun-god.

Beginning in 313, when Constantine embraced the religion, the emperors had been Christians and the new faith was favored over all others, even to the enactment of laws encouraging the abandonment of pagan rites. But it was not until 380, seventeen years after Julian died, that Theodosius I declared Christianity the official religion of Rome. Even then, in some places Christianity had made no progress among the population and despite laws against it, pagan faith remained persistently alive, disappearing slowly over centuries.

Julian's Early Life

Julian's birthdate is uncertain but it probably was during May 332. He was born in Constantinople to Julius Constantius, half-brother to the emperor Constantine (270c), the youngest of four children. Julius Constantius and his brother Dalmatius were sons of Constantius Chlorus and Flavia Maxima Theodora, whom Chlorus married on being raised to the rank of Caesar in 293. Constantine was the child of the Caesar's morganic marriage to an ex-barmaid named Helena, whom he repudiated. Helena never ceased to hate the children born by Theodora and influenced her son in treating his half-brothers with distrust and contempt. The brothers lived under the eyes of Constantine's agents and although Julius was given honors he was never allowed to exercise power.

Julian's mother, Basilina, was the second wife of Julius Constantius, the daughter of Julius Julianus, who had been praetorian prefect and virtual ruler under Licinius, She was a devout Christian who left her property to the church on her death, which occurred a few months after Julian's birth. The sudden death of Constantine on May 22, 337 left the succession up in the air as the emperor had not favored one of his three sons over the other and had gone further to confuse matters with the appointment of Damatius's sons, Dalmatius the Younger, who became Caesar in Thrace, Macedonia and Achaea, and Hannibalianus, who became "King of Kings and of the Pontic Peoples." Constantine II, Constantius II and Constans negotiated a settlement and in September 337 were proclaimed joint emperors, dividing the empire into three separate administrative zones. The new emperors arranged the outright murders of Dalmatius and Hannibalianus, followed by their uncles. A rumor surfaced that a will had been discovered in the dead emperor's hand that accused Dalmatius and Julius Constantius of poisoning Constantine. The news enraged the soldiers and they rushed the palaces of Dalmatius and Julius murdering them with their male children. Julian and his older half-brother, Gallus, were spared because of their youth (Amm. 25.3.23; Lib. 18.10).

The memory of the event remained with Julian for his life and he frequently wrote of it (228b, 230a, 270c-d, 274d, 281b). Constantius promptly confiscated the property of Julius Constantius (273b; Amm. 22.9.4) and sent his cousin into exile at Nicomedia (Lib. 18.13) in the care of Eusebius, the local bishop. There Julian was entrusted to Mardonius, a eunuch and possible a Goth, who became his tutor and surrogate parent. Mardonius had been a freedman in the household of Julian's maternal grandfather and had tutored Basilina (352c; Lib. 15.27,18.11). He was a Christian but was fascinated by the world of Homer into which he introduced the young Julian. The completeness of the Homeric world attracted Julian; he was absorbed into it, finding a refuge from the reality of his dangerous existence. Julian knew Homer so well he quoted from the poet to suit the occasion (277a, Amm. 15.8.17), even going so far as identifying himself with Odysseus (241d).

Mardonius had lifelong influence on Julian; he taught him the grandeur of simplicity(198a, 235a, 351ff.), which would later be reflected in his "unkingly" conduct, such as his habit of staring at the ground while he walked. While he lived in Nicomedia Julian spent his summers with his maternal grandmother, who had a small villa on the Bithynian coast. Here he spent many happy hours (ep. 4.427c) and later inherited the estate.

In 342, Julian, now ten or eleven, was transferred to a castle in the mountains of Cappodocia called Macellum, a place he refereed to as a castle of oblivion (271c). The relative tranquillity he had known was exchanged for one of seclusion under the watchful eyes of Constantius' agents. Mardonius was parted from him and replaced by George, bishop of Caesarea, a courtier and informer who profited through the destruction of others (Amm. 22.11.5). From him Julian was given a thorough introduction to Christianity. Julian also had access to George's fabulous library which included Neoplatonic commentaries on Plato and Aristotle (ep. 23,38). The books the bishop lent to Julian, and even allowed him to have copied, introduced the prince to Hellenic philosophy. But there was no affection between teacher and student which is demonstrated by a letter Julian wrote as emperor, following George's murder by a mob in Alexandria (ep. 21), in which he mildly rebukes the citizens.

For the first time since the massacre Julian was reunited with Gallus. Unlike his brother, Gallus had developed a brutish character, for which Julian blamed Constantius and that Gallus lacked a proper education (271d-272a). Julian, also, first learned the truth behind the murder of his family (271b-c) and, in 247, probably met Constantius (for whom he felt nothing but contempt) when the emperor paid a visit to Macellum.

During these years, Julian was a reader in the Church, the lowest order of membership, whose duty was to read or chant lessons during the Eucharist. Such a step does not mean that Julian intended to make religion his vocation as many laymen were readers; it is doubtful that Julian was committed to Christianity. Constantius, the murderer of his family, was a staunch Christian so it is likely that attempts to indoctrinate the young Julian into the same faith had little success. Julian states that he walked the road of Christianity until the age of twenty (ep. 47.434d), but he expresses no guilty conscience for being so long in error and comments that "the darkness be buried in oblivion" (131a). He gave thanks to Cybelle for not having disregarded him when he wandered (174c) and tells us that from childhood he had longed for the rays of the god Helios to penetrate his soul (130c-d).

Although Libanius (12.34) refers to Julian undergoing a conversion to pagan faith it was probably not a sudden event, like Paul on the way to Damascus, but a slow development. Christian writers declare that Julian was a committed Christian; however Gregory of Nazianzus and Sozomen both record that while at Macellum Gallus and Julian built small monuments to St. Mamas. Gallus's efforts were successful while Julian's came to nothing (Greg. Naz. Or. 4.24-26; Soz. 5.2.12-14), thereby indicating that the prince had no faith. Gregory of Nazianzus expressed bewilderment how Julian could have venerated the martyrs, becoming a reading and set up altars, then change suddenly beyond recognition (Or. 4.97). The most probably reason, that Julian was unsure of his beliefs, was never a consideration.

In 348, Gallus was ordered by Constantius to leave Macellum for the Court at Milan where he was created Caesar of the East to keep the Persian army at bay. Although Julian was not mentioned in the edict, he seized the opportunity to end his exile and moved to Constantinople. Once established in the city he began to study rhetoric (Lib. 15.27, 18.12) with Nicoles, a pagan, and Hecebolius, a Christian whose beliefs fluctuated until he became a pagan. Even though Julian's presence in the capitol was exclusively devoted to study, he was a popular figure and the object of suspicion (259b-c; Lib. 18.13,13.10); and so he was forced to return to exile in Nicomedia. The Neoplationist philosopher Libanius was teaching in the city at the same time (Lib. 18.15), and his reputation attracted Julian. But his attendance at Libanius's lectures was forbidden by Hecebolius; a prohibition circumvented by paying a student to copy the lectures (Lib. 18.13-15). Before long Julian abandoned rhetoric for the study of philosophy.

Neoplatonism and Hellenism

"Neoplatonism" is a modern term assigned to the philosophy that developed from the late 3^rd century incorporating a synthesis of Platonic, Pythagorean, Aristotelian and Stoic elements. The central figure in the creation of Neoplatonic thought is Plotinus (204-270) who revolutionized Platonism by insisting a mystical experience was the ultimate goal of philosophy. His concern was not to be without sin but to be god; the result of a long moral and intellectual effort gratified with the veneration of the divine, in which man and god are fused.

Iamblichus (ca. 250-325), a pupil of Plotinus, was instrumental in transforming the philosophical religion of his teacher into a ritualized religion involving theurgy. Theurgy is the belief that the divine can be approached through magical acts. Union with the gods could be accomplished by unspoken actions that, when performed in the appropriate manner, were comprehensible to the gods. A favorite practice was to animate statues through the use of incense and herbs accompanied by incantations, so the image of the god would actually respond.

Hellenism had long been the term used to describe the Greek nation or culture but in the 4^th century, from the influence of Neoplatonism, it acquired a religious value: the belief that all Greek culture was the product of divine inspiration and therefore sacred. Hellenism, it was argued, was a spiritual force where culture and religion were coextensive. The worship of the gods and the preservation of Greek culture were one. Julian differed from the traditional approach to Hellenism, typified by Libanius who advocated the social and cultural aspects, by promoting religious fervor. His practice of sacrifice, and the frequency he performed these rites, brought fanaticism to Hellenism. Hellenism was not incompatible with the intellectual founders of Christianity. Julian's contemporaries Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus had studied philosophy and had a profound love of Greek culture, minus Hellenic religion.

Julian's Education

Julian's philosophic studies now began. He selected the most eminent teacher he could find: Aideseos, who had succeeded Iamblichus as the leading Neoplatonist. The prince traveled to Pergamon to become his student, but the philosopher was an old man and Julian's enthusiasm probably tired him out. Instead, Aideseos recommended him to two of his pupils: Eusebius and Chrysenthios. However, it was an absent pupil, Maximus, in whom Julian would find the teacher he sought. After a short time with Eusebius, he traveled to Ephesus to meet Maximus.

Maximus was the most extraordinary man Julian ever met (235a-b); he became the healer of his soul and his guide in spiritual matters. Maximus had been trained as a philosopher (Lib. 12.12, 18.18; Amm. 29.1.42) and was a theurgist. For Libanius, the relationship between Julian and Maximus was that of Phoenix to his pupil Achilles (Lib. Ep. 694.3). Among some of his fellow philosophers Maximus was a leading man; others feared his powers to summon demons (Lib. 24.36) and to many he was a charlatan preoccupied with his own fame and fortune. Julian became a regular at Maximus's lectures and was initiated by him into the Mysteries of Mithras.

The Mithraic Mysteries were probably Persian in origin and first became popular in Rome during the 2^nd century. Mithras was a god who acted in the making of the world, a protector of mankind and would receive those who were worthy after death. The Mithraic liturgy has been lost, but its goal was the salvation and transformation of the initiate. Initiation involved progressing through seven stages that mirrored the assent of the soul to heaven. Adding to the mystic character of the religion were underground chapels where ceremonies were conducted. Mithraism differed from other mystery religions; instead of a cult drama, which told the story of the god and was separate from the rites open only to initiates, this religion offered itself to everyone, with the exception of women.

Julian's initiation was a profoundly moving experience and the embodiment of his private beliefs held since Macellum. The prince had found the "cable and sure anchorage" that he had sought in his life (336c). As a convert Julian was a member of a religion with a moral code and principle of justice that gave him s sense of being assisted by the god in his own battle for justice, as well as the pursuit of moral and spiritual perfection. Being surrounded by informers, Julian's beliefs were a matter of secrecy. So began the living of a double life, outwardly as a Christian and secretly as a pagan (Lib. 18.19).

Julian lived in Bithynia for the next three years at his grandmother's villa which he had inherited on her death while in captivity at Macellum. At the villa, Julian delighted in informality and welcomed poets and philosophers serving up "a fragrant, sweet wine" produced on the estate (ep. 25.427d-428b). Often enough, his guests suggested that he might inherit the empire one day; an idea Julian did not entirely approve or disapprove (Lib. 18.21-23). Julian's deception, however, may not have been very convincing as Gallus learned of his association with Maximus. He dispatched a bishop named Aetius as a spy to probe the prince's mind. But the plan backfired. Aetius found so much affinity with Julian, sharing a passion for knowledge that they became good friends. Later, the "spy" was invited to Court when the prince became emperor (ep. 15.404b-c).

During the years Julian lived in Bithynia, Gallus had ruled the East as Constantius's representative while the emperor dealt with the usurper Magnentius in Gaul. Gallus was thrust into a situation for which he was ill-prepared, as he had no experience of governing. His temper was violent and easily provoked, and he acted rashly when in difficult situations. During a Persian raid he abruptly left the battlefield and when Antioch experienced a famine he instituted price controls that did not help the situation and made the Antiochenes resentful. Constantius was fearful of a rebellion in the East and his courtiers were eager to paint the Caesar as plotting to seize the empire; Gallus was summoned to Milan. The disgraced Caesar visited his brother in Bithynia, or possibly called Julian to Constantinople (Amm. 15.2.7) on the journey. Gallus was arrested and conveyed to Milan under guard and was beheaded in November 354. Julian was accused of having left captivity at Macellum without permission and of being in a conspiracy with Gallus because of their meeting. He was arrested on Constantius's orders and kept in seclusion at Como for six months.

Julian found a protector in the Empress Eusebia, who interceded on his behalf (273a; Amm. 15.2.8) arranging an interview with the emperor that somewhat convinced Constantius of Julian's innocence and he was allowed to leave. Julian had begun his journey home when he was once more taken to Milan as a prisoner. A series of forged documents had led Constantius to believe Julian was plotting with Silvanus, the commander-in-chief off Gaul (273d-274b). The plot was revealed and Eusebia, again, intervened on Julian's behalf (118b-c). This time Julian was not allowed to go home but to carry on his studies in Athens, which was far from any military garrison, thereby eliminating a possible revolt. Nothing could have suited Julian more (260a); it seemed the gods were protecting their own.

In the summer of 355, Julian arrived in Athens. The city had long been in decline but the civic pride of the Athenians impressed Julian. Later, as emperor, he treated Athens like a capital city (287d) and when proclaimed Augustus Julian awaited the sanction of the hierophant of Eleusis. Athens could still boast of its great teachers and their students were loyal to the point of press-ganging new students as they arrived at Piraeus. Julian's new teacher was Priscus, like Maximus, a practitioner of theurgy (ep. 2), who encouraged the prince to visit his house and Julian came to enjoy the domesticity of the philosopher's family. After he became Caesar, Julian invited Priscus to Court (ep. 1,2,5). The philosopher arrived in 359, remaining with Julian for a long time (Lib. 12.55-56), and eventually accompanied him on the Persian expedition. (Amm. 25.3.23).

This period of bliss was of short duration. Julian was called to Court in the autumn of 355 (275a-b) reluctantly parting from his beloved Athens in tears. He never returned. Once more, Julian was a prisoner while his fate was decided. Constantius was preoccupied with barbarian incursions into Gaul which, ironically, he had fostered to help defeat Magnentius. It was clear that the presence of a member of the imperial family was needed to rebuild confidence and help secure the province (Amm. 15.8.1-2; Lib. 12.40-41). Constantius was needed in the east in his war against Persia, so Eusebia stressed to her husband the only satisfactory conclusion: Julian must be made Caesar and sent to Gaul (Amm. 15.8.3). Arrayed against her were Constantius's courtiers, chiefly the chamberlain Eusebius, who from his many intrigues against him had reason to fear Julian raised to power (Amm. 15.8.2). Julian himself was not pleased at the prospect of his new rank and had written a letter to Eusebia asking her to have him sent home instead of being created Caesar. Before he sent the letter, Julian had a dream in which the gods revealed to him that he would suffer ignominious death should he thwart their will (275c-276d).

Notes

1 For simplicity, Julian's writings will be referred to by paragraph number without the title of the work. The orations of Libanius are referred to by number followed by the section number. Letters are identified by the abbreviation "ep" (for epistulae).

2 Casson, Lionel,"Biting the Bullet in Ancient Rome",Horizon,(Summer 1976),pp.18-21.

3 Grant,Michael,The Fall of the Roman Empire: A Reappraisal,(The Annenberg School Press, 1976),pp. 95-96.

4 Grant,Michael,The Emperor Constantine,(Weidenfield & Nicolson, 1993), pp. 151-152.

5 Casson,Lionel,op. cit., p. 19.

6 Casson,Lionel,op. cit., p. 21.

7 Grant,Michael,op. cit.,pp.86-88.

8 Grant,Michael, op. cit., p. 138.

9 Grant,Michael,The Fall of the Roman Empire: A Reappraisal, p. 140.

10 Hoffman,R. Joseph,Celsus:On the True Doctrine,(Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 34.

11 Hoffman,R. Joseph,op. cit., pp. 20-21.

12 Grant,Michael,The Emperor Constantine, pp. 127-128.

13 Grant,Michael,op. cit., p. 143.

14 Grant,Michael,op. cit., p. 135.

15 MacMullen,Ramsay,Paganism in the Roman Empire,(Yale University Press, 1981), pp, 131-137.

16 See the discussion in Gillard,Frank,"Notes on the Coinage of Julian the Apostate",Journal of Roman Studies 54(1964), p. 139 and Baynes,Norman H.,"The Early Life of Julian the Apostate",Journal of Hellenic Studies 45(1925),pp. 251-252.

17 Browning,Robert,The Emperor Julian,(University of California Press,1976),p. 33.

18 Browning,Robert,op. cit.,p. 46.

19 Wilken,Robert L.,The Christians as the Romans Saw Them,(Yale University Press, 1984),pp. 171-172.

20 Cumont,Franz,The Mysteries of Mithra,(Dover, 1956),pp. 152-174.

21 Browning,Robert,op. cit.,p. 58.

22 Athanassiadi,Polymnia,Julian:An Intellectual Biography,(Routledge,1992),pp. 38-41.