The death of Nero, following the unbroken succession of Julio-Claudian emperor, brought into play what Tacitus saw as the "well-hidden secret of the principate" (Hist. 1.4); it was possible for the army to make an emperor through force of arms. Vespasian faced the task of rehabilitating the principate and rebuilding the depleted imperial finances. Because he had assumed power as the result of civil war, like Augustus, Vespasian feared the possibility the empire might disintegrate on his death. He adopted the same solution as the first emperor by providing his heir with power and recognition to make a transfer of power smooth. To begin with, the new emperor needed legal validity to assume power. This was obtained when the Senate agreed to the Lex de imperio Vespasiani, granting to Vespasian the powers held by Augustus. To further bolster the new regime, the military exploits of Titus were extolled by Josephus in his history and the Judea Capta series of coins helped to remind the public of the victory of father and son.

An elaborate double triumph was held a few days following the arrival of Titus in Rome in June 71. Josephus tried his best to give an account of the extraordinary procession but admitted it was impossible to describe (BJ 7.132). [1] The joint triumph gave emphasis to Titus’s position as heir-apparent, especially as the Senate had first recommended separate triumphs (BJ 7.121). In the procession Vespasian and Titus were dressed identically and spoke the same prayers (BJ 7.124 ff.). In July, father and son shared the tribunician power and all imperial acclamations were jointly credited. Within three years of Titus’s return, he held the proconsular imperium, tribunicia potestas, the censorship and became Praetorian prefect. It has been assumed by some historians that Titus was virtual co-ruler with his father but it is clear that he remained the second most powerful man (Titus 6.1). Vespasian distinguished himself from Titus by holding the titles Augustus, pater patriae and pontifex maximus. Titus was always styled Augusti filius during his father’s reign to point up the fact he was not Vespasian’s equal.

The precise nature of Titus’s imperium has been the subject of debate. The title imp appears in inscriptions and documents of Titus occurring in various places (for example, Titus [imp] Caesar [imp] Vespasianus [imp]) but never as a praenomen (imp Titus). Coins issued for Vespasian in 71, with a reverse type showing the facing heads of Titus and Domitian, include DESIG IMP (RIC 413 ff.) in the reverse legend in regard to Titus. Another part of the legend indicates that Domitian is consul designate. These coins have incorrectly been interpreted to mean imperator designatus and is probably a mint error. Titus had already been saluted as imperator by his troops in Jerusalem and used the title before 71; therefore it seems odd to be designated imperator at such a late date.

Overall, the titles Titus held were designed to make him Vespasian’s subordinate. His imperial salutations were six fewer than his father’s and he was one consulship behind. His first consulship was in absentia in 70 and was followed by six more ordinary consulships, all with his father as colleague. Although real power had disappeared from the office of consul there was a great deal of emotional sentiment attached to the old Republican offices, the domination of which by the Flavians (except for 78 when no family members were in office) enhanced the prestige of the dynasty but underlined the autocratic nature of the new regime.

In imperial administration, Titus performed the various duties of secretary, drafting edicts and reading imperial speeches before the Senate, a task usually assigned to a questor. Vespasian was clearly in charge, like a paterfamilias, creating new provinces, appointing governors, ordering the repair and construction of buildings and initiating reforms (Vesp. 8) all without the participation of Titus. The famous urinal tax anecdote (Vesp. 23; Dio 65.14.5), in which the father gives his son a lesson in raising revenue, stands as testimony to Vespasian’s position of master to Titus’s apprentice.

Titus’s appointment as Praetorian prefect gave him additional power and further guaranteed safety for the Flavians. That Galba’s praetorians had transferred their loyalty to Otho and were responsible for his downfall (Galba 19-20) was not lost on the family. It is possible that Titus had a colleague, perhaps Tiberius Julius Alexander. Juvenal, in writing about spending a day in Rome, makes reference to the statues of an unnamed Egyptian Arabarch (Satires 1.131-134) which commentators believe to be Alexander. As prefect, Titus went beyond the regular processes of Roman law, and was arrogant and tyrannical; if someone aroused suspicion, he could be arrested and executed on the spot (Titus 6.1). In effect, Titus became the enforcer of Flavian security shifting any criticism that could be leveled against his father for the high-handed tactics that were employed. It is reported Titus would accept bribes and use his influence in the courts to settle in favor of the highest bidder.

Suetonius (Titus 7.1) provides comment on Titus’s passion for Berenice but says nothing on the length of her residence in Rome. Dio assigns her arrival to 75 when she moved into the palace to live with Titus. Agrippa, who had accompanied his sister, was given the rank of praetor (65.15.3). It is likely that Vespasian insisted that Titus wait before calling Berenice to Rome, lest it seem that he was welcoming a second Cleopatra. The queen was not the sort to remain quietly unobtrusive. Quintillian reports that he appeared in a legal case for Berenice and was surprised to find that she was sitting among the judges when the case was heard (Inst. Orat. 4.1.19).

In 79, as Vespasian began to show signs of ill-health, a conspiracy was formed by an anti-Titus faction. Two Cynic philosophers, named Diogenes and Heras, managed to sneak into Rome despite Vespasian’s earlier edict of expulsion. Their appearance was probably secured by the conspiracy leaders Eprius Marcellus and Aulus Caecina (called Caecina Alienus by Dio) in order to create ill feeling toward the Flavians. Diogenes entered a theater and denounced Titus and Berenice; Heras made similar speeches. The pair was apprehended and punished; Diogenes being flogged and Heras beheaded (Dio 65.15.3). Suetonius states that Caecina had a speech he was going to deliver to the troops (Titus 6.2) while Dio comments that he already had secured the support of many soldiers (65.16.3-4). No doubt it was remembered that ten years prior Caecina had used his powers of persuasion to elicit support for Vitellius (Hist. 1.53). Clearly, the security of the dynasty was at stake. Titus invited Caecina to dinner in the palace where he was murdered as he left the dinning room. Eprius Marcellus (mentioned only by Dio), whose motives for entering into the conspiracy are obscure, was tried before the Senate, condemned and committed suicide (65.16.4).

The murder and trial of two of their number aroused ill-feeling in the Senate that had to be appeased. Berenice, no doubt viewed as an ambitious Eastern queen, had always been unpopular and as a gesture of conciliation Titus was forced to send her away, for the time at least. She returned briefly in 80, the lovers making a final attempt to marry, before she and the new emperor parted company for the last time. On the eve of his ascension it is easy to understand how Titus could be considered a second Nero (Titus 7). His murder of Caecina, his "notorious passion" for Berenice and that as Praetorian prefect he had acted contrary to the law for the new regime, certainly did nothing but create dread. If Titus was feared, Vespasian cultivated a different image by regularly attending sessions of the Senate, remaining assessable, tolerant of jokes and insults. Vespasian might weep for those who suffered condemnation but he was clearly the power behind such decisions.

Late in the spring of 79, Vespasian contracted a slight fever. Nonetheless, he traveled to Aquae Cutiliae, as was his custom during the summer, to take the medicinal baths. The fever became worse, aggravated by bathing in cold water and Vespasian’s desire to carry on his normal duties (Vesp. 24). [2] His illness became worse and he died on June 24. Suetonius presents the death of Vespasian without any hint of foul play, yet there were rumors that Titus had poisoned his father, which were believed by the emperor Hadrian (Dio 66.17.1). The rumor indicates the extent of Titus’s evil reputation.

For the first time in Roman history a son succeeded his father as emperor. The transfer of power was accomplished without incident; that Titus assumed the titles of Augustus, pontifex maximus and pater patriae with the use of imperator indicated the swift passage of a senatorial decree. Normally, an imperial salutation was noted at the beginning of a reign, but Titus did not increase his numbering from imp XIV. This indicates that he preferred thinking of himself as co-emperor despite his being subordinate to Vespasian. However, this made the transfer of power all the smoother. Titus did not increase the number to imp XV until later in 79 when Agricola won a victory in Britain (Dio 66.20.3). Sometime after his ascension Titus granted Julia the title Augusta.

Almost overnight, Titus underwent a change of character. He had sent away Berenice and his favorite boys, and assumed the office of pontifex maximus as a safeguard against committing a crime (Titus 9). In fact, he did not execute a single senator and never sent a petitioner away without some encouragement (Titus 8; Dio 66.19.1). A likely explanation for this conduct is given by Dio: "for men to wield power as assistants to another is a very different thing from exercising independent authority themselves (66.18.1). In regard to his clemency, Dio reports Titus, echoing his father, saying: "it is impossible for me to be insulted or abused in any way, for I do nothing that deserves censure and I care nothing for what is falsely reported." (66.19.1-2).

It was important for Titus to create an image of moderation and cooperation by adopting the good-natured character his father had exhibited. Having come of age in the reign of Nero, Titus exhibited the cynical refinement of that time; like a good negotiator he could assume whatever mask he chose. [3] The Flavians were securely established so Titus could afford to play the benevolent father, a role he soon had the opportunity to exercise.

The Imperial Cult

Vespasian was not officially deified until early in 80, more than six months after his death. It has been argued that the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius and even possible hostility between father and son over the deaths of Marcellus and Caecina prompted the postponement. More probable is opposition from members of the Senate. The Flavians, being a new dynasty, without a family connection to their Julio-Claudian predecessors, presented many difficulties to sanction a new cult. Titus may have had to spend some time in negotiation but there were also the administrative problems arising from the creation of the imperial cult of erecting a temple and creating a priesthood.

In any case, when accomplished, the consecratio was widely portrayed on coins. Titus also secured the deification of Domitilla, more probably his sister than his mother. The ex-slave status of Vespasian’s wife would have excluded her from the honor. Statius (Silvae 1.1.97-98) noted the deified members of Domitian’s family as his brother, father and sister. It is hard to believe his mother would have deliberately been left out by the poet.

Public Works and Administration

To honor his father, Titus proposed the building of a temple situated to the south of the temple of Concord. The foundation was laid in Titus’s reign and was completed under Domitian when it was renamed to templum Vespasiani et Titi. Construction on the Flavian amphitheater, or Colosseum, continued with the addition of the third and fourth rows of seating, as is suggested by coins struck bearing an exterior view of the building. In the same area, Titus built a modest sized Baths west of the domus aurea (Titus 7.3) but, again, it was finished by Domitian. A great deal of money was spent on road construction, particularly the Via Flavia (from Trieste to Polla) and repairs to the Via Aurelia and Via Flaminia. Several aqueducts were repaired, notably the acqua Marcia and acqua Claudia. He also began the reconstruction of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus and was voted an arch by the Senate, which is assumed to be the one located on the Via Sacra. However, the foundation of another arch was found within the Circus Maximus. [4]

In matters of finance Titus has been depicted as generous to a fault, even going so far as to claim he had wasted a day because he had not done a favor (Titus 7.3, 8.1). He has been criticized by historians for his extravagant generosity that could have once more bankrupted the state. However, such comments must be juxtaposed with that of Dio: "in money matters Titus was frugal and made no unnecessary expenditures." (66.19.3). Vespasian had restored imperial finances by re-establishing previously suspended taxes and introducing new taxes, so much so that no source of income was left untapped (Vesp. 23.3; Dio 66.14.5). At the outset of his reign Titus had sufficient funds, and met the costs of the congiarum and donative easily.

His generosity was to be given the ultimate test. Mt. Vesuvius erupted on August 24, 79, destroying Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Stabiae, and devastating the area around Campania. According to Dio, volcanic ash spread as far as Syria, Egypt and Africa (66.23). Food shortages were quick to follow the destruction of this growing area made worse by an outbreak of plague. Titus reacted promptly by visiting the area and to expedite reconstruction appointed two senators to oversee the work (Titus 8.4; Dio 66.24.3). He provided money from his own resources and the property of those who had died without heirs was confiscated and used for rebuilding.

In July 80, while he was visiting Campania, a fire broke out in Rome raging for three days. The temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, the Pantheon, the porticus of Octavia, among other buildings, were destroyed (Dio 66.24.1-2). Titus assumed responsibility for the cost of reconstruction and was said to have stripped his own villas of their decorations to collect funds (Titus 8.4). He appointed a commission of knights to assist with the work. The money spent on reconstruction must have been great, and such sums must be considered with Titus’s building program. The completion of the Colosseum was celebrated in 80 by a hundred-day festival with sea battles staged on an artificial lake, infantry battles and wild beast hunts (Dio 66.25). The event was another outpouring of generosity, but was warranted by the low morale of the people of Rome in the aftermath of the fire. The event also marked the literary debut of the poet Martial with the writing of his first book Liber de Spectacules (Book on Shows).

Titus’s generosity, pumped up by Suetonius, is illusory; his liberality was tempered by common sense. To meet the costs of reconstructing devastated Campania the appropriation of property without heirs into the treasury certainly went far to offset such costs. There were tax remissions that Titus granted to Rhodes, Caesarea and Cos, which seem rather foolhardy, but when Titus remitted taxes he sought to increase taxes elsewhere. Taxes in Egypt were increased to the extent that wealthy landowners were forced to leave large tracts of land idle. Unused land was appropriated and sold, thereby breaking up large estates and increasing the numbers of small landowners and the taxes collected.

Titus’s financial acumen is given further substance from a letter he sent to the Muniguensis concerning their appeal (on the basis of poverty) against having to pay 50,000 sestertii to a certain Servilus Pollio. In the letter Titus makes a reference to "my accustomed generosity" but the appeal was denied. [5] Perhaps the best proof of Titus’s financial good sense is that Domitian, on his ascension, was able to cancel debts to the treasury that were five years and older (Dom. 9.2), give the troops a pay increase (Dom. 7.3; Dio 67.3.5), pay the regular congiarum and donative, and increase the amount of gold and silver in his coins. Coming from a family of bankers it appears Titus knew how to balance the books.

The only legislation that we know Titus definitely initiated was a law giving squatters the right to acquire property after 20 years of occupation, as long as the property owner died intestate. The law was amended by Antoninus Pius requiring the squatter to determine for certain, within 4 years of occupation, that the former owner had indeed died intestate.

Evidence exists to suggest that Titus was going to break the Flavian monopoly on the consulship. In 80, Titus substituted Domitian in place of his father as ordinary consul but these appointments had been made by Vespasian. Titus’s own appointments for 81 went to L. Flavius Silva Nonius Bassus and L. ?Asinius Pollo Verrucosus, neither of whom were family members. In 82, Titus designated himself and Domitian as ordinary consuls. [6] While a trend was not established Titus showed, like emperors before him, that ordinary consulships should be awarded to senators whose support for the regime was vital.

A significant role in determining imperial policy was played by the imperial advisors or amici chosen by the emperor. The men selected formed the imperial consilium and could be summoned to the palace whenever need arose. Pliny the Elder was regularly summoned by Vespasian to meet with him at dawn (Pliny, Letters 3.5.9). Suetonius mentions that Titus’s amici were indispensable to the state (Titus 7.2), and a few had been chosen by Vespasian for his consilium. The regularly consulted amici included family members, such as Titus’s cousin, T. Flavius Sabinus III and M. Arrecinus Clemens. The future emperor Nerva, M. Ulpius Traianus (senior) and Sextus Julius Frontinus (the author of Strategems and Aqueducts), an experienced soldier and administrator, were key members of Titus’s consilium. Many of Titus’s amici remained to be in Domitian’s consilium which casts doubt on Dio’s comment that the future emperor visited ruin and disgrace on the friends of his father and brother (67.1.2).

Titus gained popularity by attacking informers (Titus 8.5). He had them whipped, clubbed and taken to the Colosseum where they were paraded before the people before being sold into slavery. This was only a gesture and it is probable that Titus, like emperors before him, made use of informers but would punish them as a concession to popularity. Such people were necessary for the emperor to maintain his authority and good use must have been made of informers during the early years of the dynasty. As emperor, Domitian made the same showy condemnation of informers early in his reign but they found a great deal of work later.

The Provinces

Titus maintained the policies of his father in regard to the provinces; efficient governors, such as Agricola, were retained in office. The new province of Cappadocia-Galatia, created by Vespasian, continued to be developed under Titus with a vast complex of military roads. To oversee this work he appointed A. Caesennius Gallus as governor; the Flavians were good at selecting efficient men. Another innovation, probably begun by Vespasian and continued by Titus, was the appointment of eastern Greeks as assistants to the governor. [7] Titus also continued Vespasian’s policy of founding colonies and extending citizenship. He completed the colony of Aventicum, begun by his father, and Doclea in Dalmatia. In the latter colony a substantial number of the population bore the name Flavius from a wholesale grant of citizenship.

In the northern provinces, military fortifications and roads were built, or repaired, and in the East a new network of roads was being completed allowing legions to travel more efficiently. The only area of military expansion was in Britain. Agricola, who had become governor in 77, completed the subjection of the Scottish lowlands by his third year in office. At Titus’s ascension a period of fortress building began to secure the conquests. Agricola might have expected to be replaced, especially having been three years in office, but his success and support of Titus ensured he would remain.

Terentius Maximus, an Asian by birth who closely resembled, even by voice, the emperor Nero, impersonated the dead tyrant and gained a substantial following in Asia Minor. Apparently, enough trouble was stirred up for Titus to use force to suppress the "False Nero" which was responsible for his sixteenth salutation. Maximus crossed the Euphrates with a few followers and was welcomed by King Artababus IV. He tried to gain their support by reminding the Parthians of the settlement Nero had made for the return of Armenia (Dio 66.19.3). The impostor’s true identity was soon revealed and he was executed.

Despite the smoothness of his ascension Titus was faced with those senators, the so-called "Stoic Opposition," who were disillusioned with hereditary rule believing that the "best man" should rule. This group had gained influence although their notion that a ruler should be chosen by the Senate gained no support, even under the adoptive emperors. Perhaps there was an active conspiracy from this group against Titus. All that is known is that two patricians were found guilty of aspiring to the throne and were warned by Titus to abandon their attempt, noting his office was "a gift of Destiny." Such a remark gives the impression that his power was the gift of the gods to him who is god-like. Titus invited the pair to a gladiatorial show, where they tested the blades of the contestants. Finally, Titus consulted the horoscopes of both persons warning of "danger from unexpected quarters -- quite correctly as it turned out" (Titus 9.1). Such an ominous remark can leave little to the imagination as to their fate.

A more serious threat, if rumors are to be taken seriously, came from his brother, Domitian. Suetonius alleges that Domitian plotted openly against his brother (Titus 9.3; Dom. 2.3); that he considered offering a double donative to the troops and spread stories that Titus had tampered with their father’s will to cheat him out of his inheritance. Personal enmity between the brothers is given further substance with Titus having an affair with Domitian’s wife, Domitia Longia (Titus 9.2; Dio 66.26.4) and, to make matters worse, he awarded a consulship to Aelius Lamia, Domitia’s first husband. Furthermore, Titus refused to give his brother the powers he had enjoyed under Vespasian (Dom. 2.1).

In their personal relationship true hatred between the brothers remains not proven. Granting a suffect consulship to Aelius Lamia is not cause in itself for spite on Titus’s part and that Domitian was not granted additional powers indicates that there was no reason to rush the matter. Vespasian had been under pressure to restore the power of the principate and establish a dynasty; such a necessity did not exist for Titus. The new emperor, at the age of forty, could anticipate a reign of twenty years. Marriage to Berenice was out of the question but Titus could expect to marry a third time, or that his daughter Julia would have children who would be his heirs. Even Suetonius does not believe Titus had an affair with Domitia, commenting that the future empress would have boasted about it (Titus 10).

Domitian had been granted the name of Caesar and the title princeps iuuentutis by Vespasian that clearly made him the junior heir. On Titus’s ascension he was his brother’s "partner and successor" (Titus 9.3). Domitian had held the consulship six times but only one (in 73) had been ordinary. In 80, the suffect consulship Domitian had been designated to hold by Vespasian was converted to ordinary by his colleague Titus, and he was designated ordinary consul for 82. These concessions may not have been enough but were all Titus could willingly do.

Domitian is alleged to have concealed his nature by assuming a mask of simplicity whereas Titus is portrayed much like his father: affable yet dignified and tending to duty. In fact, Titus was more experienced at concealment, a master of diplomacy, whereas Domitian, if attempting to conceal his character, could easily let the mask fall due to his readiness to blush (Pliny, Panegyricus 48.4; Hist. 4.40; Agricola 45.3). It is not difficult to believe that Domitian wished to be Titus’s equal (Dom. 2.1) but if he took any steps to force such equality is uncertain.

The differences in upbringing (Titus when family fortunes were high, Domitian when they were reduced) coupled with Titus being away from Rome much of the time created a distance between the brothers. Titus was self-assured and gregarious while Domitian was retiring and liked to spend time alone (Dom. 21); they probably did not understand each other.

Death and Deification

According to Suetonius (Titus 10.1), Titus became so despondent at the close of some celebratory games that he publicly wept. He became even more depressed when a victim he was to sacrifice escaped. In this state, he left Rome for the Sabine country of his ancestors but on the journey contracted a fever. He commented bitterly that life was being undeservedly taken from him since he had only one sin on his conscience. The "sin" that Titus had on his mind has been the subject of much speculation. Did his guilt stem from poisoning his father, failing to have Domitian executed, or Titus's sacrilegious entry into the Holiest of Holies? Had he, in fact, cheated Domitian out of his rightful inheritance? That he could have carried a single sin to his grave after such an active political career is remarkable and doubtful.

Titus died at the same villa where Vespasian had met his end on September 13, 81, at the age of 41, after a reign of two years two months and twenty days. Despite the presumed animosity between Titus and Domitian, the latter delivered the funeral oration (Dio 67.2.6) and promptly deified his brother. The imperial cult temple was renamed templum Vespasiani et Titi. The Arch of Titus, completed by Domitian, celebrates not only Titus’s victory but also his deification, symbolized on the ceiling of the vault by a sculpture of Titus astride an eagle.

Ancient sources variously inform us that, Titus had been poisoned (Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus, 10.1), was poisoned when Domitian put a deadly fish (known as a "sea-hare") in his food (Vita Apol. 6.32), or was put in a vessel packed with snow by order of Domitian to hasten his death (Dio 66.26.2-3). Suetonius tells us that Domitian merely ordered Titus be left for dead when he had not breathed his last (Dom. 2.3) hastening to Rome to secure his succession. Plutarch suggests that Titus died, like his father, through unwise use of cold baths when ill (De Sanitate Tuenda 3). In the Babylonian Talmud, the Jews claimed Titus’ early death was vengeance from heaven. God had caused a gnat to lodge in his brain plaguing Titus night and day. After his death, the emperor’s skull was opened and it was discovered that the gnat had grown as large as a sparrow. More recently, it has been suggested that he had contracted malignant malaria. However, upon careful reading of the Talmud and ancient sources another, more viable, cause for Titus’ death can be extrapolated.

According to Dio, the games at which Titus wept were those marking the dedication of the Flavian Amphitheater, probably no later than July 80. He goes on to say that Titus did nothing of importance for the remainder of his reign (66.26.1), a period of 14 months. Suetonius does not mention which games Titus wept during, but his account is not chronological. Instead of referring to games given during the summer of 81 he may be speaking of the 100 days of celebration in 80 for the Flavian Amphitheater. We also learn from Suetonius’ account that Titus’ depression continued over time. He began his journey to the Sabine country in a gloomy mood that had carried over when a victim he was to sacrifice escaped.

What was the source of Titus’ depression? Could his depression have been caused by a prediction Titus would have a short reign and early death? If Titus knew he was under a death sentence, he made no plans for his succession. Domitian was granted no greater powers than he had under Vespasian, and Titus had designated himself for an ordinary consulship in 82. Clearly, the emperor did not believe he would die young. The depression mentioned by ancient sources probably indicates a physiological cause. The last months of his reign were a time of no activity, leading to the conclusion of poor health. A brain tumor may have been responsible for the change in behavior and gradual decline of Titus’ health. Frequent headaches and influenza-like symptoms can be manifestations of such an illness. [8] Titus would have experienced periods of better health to be followed by ever-worsening illness. An AS issued from 80-81 of Domitian with a reverse type of SALUS AUG probably refers to Titus’s ill-health (RIC 171).

During the last stage of his illness, Titus probably experienced fever, as if suffering from influenza. This would be the reason he sought cold bathes as a relief from his fever and would also explain the use of a vessel filled with snow as a cure for Titus’ condition. Instead of a sinister device, the snow-packed vessel may have been one of relief from illness. Death would have been caused by a cerebral hemorrhage. One can understand why his sickly behavior and sudden death would have perplexed Titus’ courtiers and physician. An autopsy may have been performed in an effort to explain what had happened to the emperor. The account of the Talmud may reflect more truth than fiction since the Jews would have seen the peculiar illness and death of Titus as God’s vengeance, the gnat being selected as an easy explanation.

Footnotes

1 For coins depicting the Flavian triumph, see Tameanko, Marvin, "The Triumphal Coinage of Vespasian and Titus", The Celator, August 1995, pp. 6-18.

2 The day of Vespasian’s death is disputed. Suetonius says June 23, but Dio, on the basis of the length of Vespasian’s reign, puts it at June 24. The majority of scholars accept June 24. See Jones, op. cite., p. 114 note 1.

3 Jones, ibid, p. 115.

4 Jones, ibid. pp. 144-145.

5 Jones, ibid., pp. 142-143.

6 For a list of the consuls of Titus’s reign, see Jones, ibid., p. 123.

7 Jones, ibid., pp. 126-131.

8 Titus’ symptoms are contrasted with those of Eric Liddel, the famous Scottich athlete. Liddle died of a brain tumor and his final months were characterized by debilitating headaches and influenza-like fever. He suffered a partial stroke before his sudden death. Brain tumors can produce differing symptoms but those of Titus are very similar to those of Eric Liddle. See, Murisin, Charles Leslie,"The Death of Titus: A Reconsideration",Anceint History Bulletin 9.3-4, 1995, p. 139.