And yet there is cause for cautious optimism, if not euphoria, over the
agreement that offers hope for reconciliation to this nation torn by
violence. There is the palpable sense in Northern Ireland that times are
changing, that war-weariness and a taste of economic prosperity are
wearing down the edges of tribal animosities, and that at least a
majority may be willing to look ahead, not behind.

The agreement calls for the release of prisoners and the disarmament of
the warring factions: the minority Catholics, most of whom favor
unification with the Republic of Ireland, and the Protestant majority,
most of whose loyalties are toward Britain. It also spells out the new
form of government that will return autonomy after 26 years of direct
British control.

It doesn't require Republicans to renounce their aim of unification with
the south, or guarantee Loyalists a permanent independence. Instead, it
gives each side just enough without tipping the balance. Leaders of both
sides can look at the same agreement and believe that the future is
theirs.

Under the deal, a 108-member assembly will rule Northern Ireland. The
Loyalists, as the dominant force, will name the prime minister of the
Cabinet, but checks and balances will ensure power sharing between
Protestants and Catholics.

The assembly will preserve a separate government for Northern Ireland.
But for the first time, the Republic of Ireland will have some say over
policies in the North, through a cross-border council.

The hope is that compromise can turn militants into democrats. Gerry
Adams, leader of Sinn Fein, the diplomatic wing of the Irish Republican
Army, and Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble would likely serve on the
assembly's executive committee.

The agreement is a triumph of diplomacy and a tribute to the
perseverance of former Maine Sen. George Mitchell, who brokered the
talks, as well as to British Prime Minister Tony Blair and his Irish
counterpart, Bertie Ahern.

All parties have praised the patience and unflappable nature of
Mitchell, who made his trans-Atlantic trips _ more than 100 over 21
months _ without pay. Blair, with a large Parliamentary majority behind
him, could be bold where his predecessor, John Major, felt he couldn't.
Blair jump-started the talks by going to Northern Ireland and inviting
Adams to London, making Adams the first Irish Republican to visit 10
Downing Street in 75 years.

There were crucial nudges from President Clinton. Four years ago, over
the objections of his own Secretary of State, he granted a visa to Adams
to visit America. That decision is credited in part with leading the IRA
to bargain. Then last week, Clinton, an Irish-American, put his
volubility to work. He was up through the night, making a dozen phone
calls to the participants at the talks.

But there would be no pact without the courage of sworn enemies, Adams
and Trimble in particular, to recognize that the future lies in
governance and not guns. By compromising, they have risked their stature
and credibility with their followers, knowing that they would be
attacked as traitors.

Trimble has survived his first test. On Saturday, the executive council
of his Ulster Unionist Party, the largest Protestant faction, endorsed
the deal.

Voters in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland will determine
the fate of the agreement on May 22. Between now and then, radicals will
no doubt try to wreck chances for peace with violence. The eight parties
that signed the agreement will be challenged to control their own
hotheads.

Only if they can do that will Northern Ireland be able to, in Ahern's
words, "exorcise the demons of history."

Distributed by Knight Ridder//Tribune Information Services.