Introduction

The political situation in Northern Ireland is a mess. The reason for this is that, although there is much of the show of religion here, there is little practical and relevant Christianity. People are not used to going to the Bible to seek truths that they can apply to real situations. This current referendum is one such situation. But although there is much debate about it, there seems little concern for truth. Since the churches are providing no clear leadership as to what the Christian's response should be, Christians Against The Agreement was formed to fill this obvious gap. It is our desire that the literature produced by us prior to the referendum will inform interested persons as to the view of the Christian Scriptures concerning this issue. Only Christianity can provide our citizens with the absolute and objective moral standard by which to judge the Agreement. This standard is the law of God (Exodus 20:1-17). It is to be looked to for guidance, rather than the usual sources of history and/or sentiment, which have so plagued politics in this country to this day. The following analysis and evaluation of the Agreement is based on that law, and concerns human relations among themselves.

Analysis And Evaluation

(1) Usurping Of Divine Prerogatives. Civil authority is ordained and appointed by God (Romans 13:1). Therefore the power of the British government is not its own to do with as it will. It has no right to delegate or allocate national power to a foreign government. But the Agreement gives the right to a foreign national unit to have executive (administrative) and legislative (law-making) powers in another country. ' All Council decisions to be by agreement between the two sides' (p. 11). Only God has the right to make such a transfer of power (Daniel 5:21) .

(2) Permission To Dishonour Authority. Those citizens who are under a particular civil authority are commanded to give honour and allegiance to that authority (Rom.13:5-7), but the Agreement speaks of the 'right' of all citizens of Northern Ireland to identify with another state, or even both, if they so wish (p. 2). However, according to the Bible, they only have the obligation to honour that state in which they live and receive the privileges of citizenship from. It is impossible to serve two masters in any realm of life (Matthew 6:24).

(3) Partiality Before The Law. Those in authority are forbidden from displaying a partial or prejudiced spirit when engaged in judgement. Discrimination, especially if shown in the nature of a particular law itself, is a great sin. Preferential treatment is to be shown neither to rich or poor, strong or weak (Leviticus 19:15/Deuteronomy 1:17). The rebuke of God rests upon those who are secretly partial (Job 13:10). God Himself does not respect differences of persons in judgement (Romans 2:11/1 Peter 1:17). But the Agreement speaks of 'progressively eliminating the differential in unemployment rates between the two communities' (p. 19). This policy of so-called positive discrimination will mean that people will not be accepted on their own merits, and that legislation will be introduced to ensure that opposition is legitimised against one section of the community in favour of the other. This even extends to the police, who are to have their 'composition' and 'recruitment' artificially adjusted in order to discourage one section by 'encouraging' another (p. 23). Discrimination cannot be legitimised to counteract previous alleged discrimination.

(4) Qualifications On Administration Of Justice. According to the Bible, civil justice should be administered in two ways. Firstly, it should be immediate (Ecclesiastics 8:11). Secondly, it should be unconditional (Deuteronomy 16:20). But the Agreement contradicts both these principles in the matter of decommissioning. Currently in Northern Ireland there are criminals who hold illegal weapons and explosives. This should not be permitted by any civilised country, especially one which claims a Christian influence. Yet the Agreement would make matters worse. It would allow these criminals a period of 'two years' to decommission following any endorsements by referendums, and even then, they would only have to do so 'in the context of the implementation of the overall settlement' (p. 20).

(5) Rewarding Of Lawbreakers. The main function of the civil magistrate is to punish evil doers (1 Peter 2:14). Everything else they might be involved in is subordinate to this one great task. They are not granted in their office powers of mercy, but of justice. They are given a sword (Romans 13:4), not an olive-branch. But the Agreement would make us forget all about this. It includes an 'accelerated programme for the release of prisoners who have committed terrorist offences.' Was their original sentence not just? Is the bribing of paramilitaries by the government the price of agreement for peace? But mere release is not sufficient reward for these criminals. They are to receive 'assistance directed towards availing of employment opportunities, re-training and/or re-skilling, and further education' (p. 25). We can only conclude from this that law-breakers get more benefits than the law-abiding citizen. Crime certainly pays in Northern Ireland, if the Agreement is ratified.

(6) Increase Of Bureaucracy. "Because of the transgression of a land, many are its princes" (Proverbs 28:2). Massive civil bureaucracy is a sign of the curse of God upon a nation. It means that those in power are so weak in their administration of justice that they have to invent layer upon layer of political machinery, and add law to law and statute to statute, in order to preserve any semblance of social cohesion and civil righteousness. What is really required is a proper adherence to the laws which already exist. It is the quality of law rather than is quantity that produces peace and harmony in a society. But the Agreement is a triumph of quantity over quality. It believes that a solution can come through the creation of 'an Assembly in Northern Ireland, a North/South Ministerial Council, implementation bodies, a British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference and any amendments to British Acts of Parliament and the Constitution of Ireland' (p. 1). This assumption is not only false but useless and harmful. What is really required is Biblical justice. With God anything else is a compromise.

(7) Encouragement Of False Peace. There is such a thing as a false peace. Jeremiah spoke of those who seemed to heal wounds, but only did so in a superficial manner, by saying, "Peace, Peace!" when there was no real peace (6:14). Ezekiel had problems with such people too, only he compared them to those who build a wall with poor mortar, which would not sustain the wall when the flooding rain of God's judgement fell (13:10-11). It s not enough to say that these passages deal only with a 'spiritual' peace that is somehow divorced from everyday social life. King David, a godly politician, said that his soul was filled with the scorn of those who were at ease (Psalm 123:4). Those of us who oppose the Agreement know exactly how each one of these men felt. The Agreement speaks of peace. It speaks of 'the reduction of the numbers and role of the Armed Forces deployed in Northern Ireland.' It speaks of 'the removal of security installations' and 'emergency powers' (p. 21). How nice and normal and progressive such words sound to our ears. But where are the weapons of the enemies of our state and our lives? Where is the just punishment of the magistrates as servants of God upon such criminals? And where will our consciences be as members of a society that ignored these injustices for the sake of an unrighteous 'peace' Agreement which cannot deliver what it offers? Why? Because peace is a gift of God upon nations which keep His laws (Mark 9:50). Peace comes only by way of mutual edification and holiness (Romans 14:19/Hebrews 12:14). And this Agreement tramples the law of God under foot. Those who vote for the Agreement for the sake of peace will find that it produces the opposite, for God is not mocked. Societies reap what they sow. There is no peace for the wicked (Isaiah 48:22). Peace is the effect of righteousness alone (Isaiah 32:17).

(8) Secularisation Of Education. Christian parents have a solemn duty to train their children according to the moral obligations of their religion (Proverbs 22:6). Fathers in particular are to raise their children in the training and counsel of the Lord (Ephesians 6:4). By means of such instruction the truth of God is preserved throughout the generations (Psalm 78:5-6), and the lambs of the flock are fed (John 21:15). One aspect of the Agreement is to 'facilitate and encourage integrated education' in an attempt to promote 'a culture of tolerance' (p. 18). Such integrated education is massively damaging to the Christian faith. It teaches either that religion is so irrelevant that it should not be included in education at all (so as not to stir up controversy), or that all faiths are of uniform importance and should be taught equally (meaning that Christianity is not truer, and so just as false, as any other religion). According to the Agreement, anything but pure Christianity will be tolerated, and intolerance will certainly be shown to those who dare to say otherwise.

(9) Toleration Of Sexual Perversion. Homosexual and lesbian activities are strongly condemned in the Bible as abominations, even to the extent that the death penalty is legislated against it (Leviticus 18:22 & 20:13). The Bible even uses a term of contempt, "dog," for the male homosexual (Deuteronomy 23:17-18). Paul explains this particular sin as a curse of God upon an idolatrous people, and concludes that those who commit such acts are worthy of death (Romans 1:24-27, 32). This is because it is essentially an attack on the most basic unit of any society - the family. However, the Agreement aims to 'promote equality of opportunity in relation to ... sexual orientation' (p. 16). Those who framed the Agreement know better than God, it seems.

(10) Deliberate Lack Of Clarity. Truth is all important for the Christian (John 14:6). Truth must be told sincerely, freely, clearly and fully (Proverbs 14:5, 25). Doubtful or ambiguous expressions are to be avoided. But the Agreement abounds in vague and indeterminate turns of phrase: certain areas may include others, various arrangements could be made, institutions might perhaps be built on, views and proposals may be forwarded from Dublin. Is something being hidden from us or what? How can an honest person assent to such hypotheticals and speculations? Further, how could a rational person even make sense out of the notions that the aspirations of North and South are 'equally legitimate' (p. 1) or someone having the right to be accepted as Irish or British 'or both' (p. 2)? Equivocation and contradiction are never signs of truth but of error and evil.

(11) Verbal Appeasement Of Criminals. "Woe unto them that call evil good, and good evil; that put darkness for light, and light for darkness; that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter!" (Isaiah 5:20). Sin should be called sin. Evil should be called evil. Crime should be called crime. The Agreement does none of this. It rather talks about 'the tragedies of the past' and the 'profoundly regrettable legacy of suffering' (p. 1). The tragedy is that the government could and should have punished those who caused the suffering but did not, and now insists on talking and bargaining with them instead. Our need is not to 'acknowledge and address' (p. 18) suffering and victimisation, if this means anything less than that criminals should be terrorised and law abiding citizens avenged for the unrestrained and unpunished violence that has been committed against them (Romans 12:17-13:5).

(12) Misleading Use Of Christian Words. The Agreement speaks of 'new beginnings' and a 'fresh start.' But in Christian teaching such things only come by way of repentance over past sins and restitution for past wrongs (Isaiah 55:7/Luke 19:8). The Agreement speaks of having 'good faith' in others, but in Christianity the need to trust in God rather than in men, including politicians, is given priority (Psalm 118:8-9). The Agreement speaks of the need for 'tolerance,' but the Bible says that even if favour and charity is shown to the wicked, they will not learn to be lawful, but will continue to be unjust even in a land where justice abounds (Isaiah 26:10). And 'reconciliation' between enemies only comes after retribution and reparation for sin (Colossians 1:20-21).

(13) Legalisation Of National Covetousness. "Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house ... nor anything that is thy neighbour's." (The tenth commandment - Exodus 20:17). Individuals, families and nations are to be content with their own condition, and are forbidden from coveting anything that belongs to their neighbour or those who border them in area. Since its formation, the nation of the Republic of Ireland has corporately broken this commandment because of its claims on the territory of Northern Ireland, which belongs to the United Kingdom. Even the so-called modified Articles 2 & 3, which form part of the Agreement's overall structure, still talk of the 'entitlement and birthright of every person born in the island of Ireland, which includes its islands and seas, to be part of the Irish nation' (p. 4). It is still the aim of the Irish government 'to unite all the people who share the territory of the island of Ireland.' They covet their neighbour's land, and this Agreement would make it sanctioned by the law of our country that it be so.

Usual Objections Answered

(1) "I don't understand it all." The Agreement is by its very nature a complex document. After all, it is supposed to be all things to all men, so the result can hardly be expected to be a monument to clarity. Even some of the issues highlighted in this essay have not been easy to understand. But here is the point - some of them are as clear as it is possible to be. Some of these matters, from a Christian perspective, are black and white. And even if you only understand one of the objections against the Agreement made here, your clear duty is to contend for the truth by voting 'No.'

(2) "There is no perfect solution." This is also known as the "It's all various shades of grey" argument. Don't let any politician fool you into this one. There is a perfect solution - Biblical standards. It is as simple as that for the Christian. The problem in Northern Ireland is not about land or history or culture - it is about justice. And because the law of God is perfect, without any relativism or subjectivism at all, so we are presented with a perfect solution, if only people would heed it.

(3) "What alternative is there?" The Christian alternative has been mentioned above, and has been in use throughout this entire essay. It is called The Law of God. The only alternatives to man's feeble and biased solutions are God's absolutely impartial and objective standards. Therefore, since the problems in Northern Ireland arise out of accusation and examples of sectarianism, and all proposed solutions involve identical allegations, a true alternative must be sought in a source beyond any allegation of prejudice. The only alternative is God.

(4) "As long as progress is made." The notion of permitting progress at any price is about as dangerous an idea as exists. It sacrifices truth and right for the temporary alleviation of immediate crises. Even then, the 'progress' is always downward into greater confusion and chaos. And why then should it not get worse? Those very things which hold a society up and maintain order have been abandoned in favour of short binges of shallow and contentless optimism.

(5) "No point in voting at all." Many feel that the cause against the Agreement is so strong, and that their voice is so weak, that there is little point even bothering to get involved. But the writer of this essay is merely one voice, and you are reading his arguments, are you not? Every vote counts in this referendum. For the sake of the cause of God and truth, make sure yours is used.

What Should I Do Now?

(1) Vote 'No' ! It is an evil thing to consent with evil (Proverbs 1:10). It is not pious or 'spiritual' to let evil go unchallenged (Ephesians 5:11).

(2) Persuade others to vote 'No'. Truth is the same for all persons. If it is right for you to vote 'No' then it must be right for others also (Proverbs 14:5, 25). To this end, permission is granted for anyone to use (i.e. distribute and/or photocopy) any of the literature produced by us.

(3) Give generously. Any financial help given will be gratefully received and put to the good use of promoting a Christian understanding of the Agreement in the public domain and the duty of Christians to vote 'No' at the referendum (Ecclesiastes 7:12, 10:19).

(4) Keep pressing those politicians. Whatever the outcome of the referendum, it is still the duty of Christians to promote Biblical views on ethics and politics. When we do this, we are simply being faithful to our Master, Jesus Christ, who is Lord of the nations (Psalm 2, 110), and Prince of the kings of this earth (Revelation 1:5). All authority of every sort on earth is Christ's (Matthew 28:18). This even includes the messy world of Northern Irish politics.

Christians Against The Agreement, 68 Ballymena Road, Larne, BT40 2SG.

Telephone 01574 270302

Explanatory Note

The document above is a Christian commentary on the Northern Ireland Political Agreement signed on Good Friday 1998 (the Good Friday Agreement). A referendum on the agreement was held in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland on 22nd May 1998. Despite the arguments set out above, the Agreement was endorsed by majorities in both jurisdictions. In Northern Ireland the Agreement received a 71% 'yes' and a 29% 'no' vote.

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