note: "Canticles" refers to the Old Testament book "Song of Solomon" or "Song of Songs". "Vulgate" and "LXX" are early translations of the Christian Bible. Passages heavy with "..." marks are places where the author inserted Hebrew or Greek characters untranslateable to ASCII. --T.R. From: JANUS, Archives internationales pour l'Histoire de la Medecine et la Geographie Medicale, Huitieme Annee, 1903, p. 241-246 ON INDICATIONS OF THE HACHISH-VICE IN THE OLD TESTAMENT By C. CREIGHTON, M.D., *London*. Hachish, which is the disreputable intoxicant drug of the East, as opium is the respectable narcotic, is of unknown antiquity. It is known that the fibre of the hemp-plant, *Cannabis sativa*, was used for cordage in ancient times; and it is therefore probable that the resinous exudation, "honey" or "dew", which is found upon its flowering tops on some soils, or in certain climates (*Cannabis Indica*), was known for its stimulant or intoxicant properties from an equally early date. The use of the resin as an intoxicant can be proved from Arabic writings as early as the 6th or 7th centuries of our era (De Sacy, *Chrestomathie Arabe*) and we may assume it to have been traditional among the Semites from remote antiquity. There are reasons, in the nature of the case, why there should be no clear history. All vices are veiled from view; they are *sub rosa*; and that is true especially of the vices of the East. Where they are alluded to at all, it is in cryptic, subtle, witty and allegorical terms. Therefore, if we are to discover them, we must he [sic] prepared to look below the surface of the text. In the O.T. there are some half-dozen passages where a cryptic reference to hachish may be discovered. Of these I shall select two to begin with, as being the least ambiguous, leaving the rest for a few remarks at the end. The two which I shall choose are both made easy by the use of a significant word in the Hebrew text. But that word, which is the key to the meaning, has been knowingly mistranslated in the Vulgate and in the modern versions, having been rendered by a variant also by the LXX in one of the passages, and confessed as unintelligible in the other by the use of a marginal Hebrew word in Greek letters. One must therefore become philologist for the nonce; and I must apologise for trespassing beyond my proper sphere. My apology is, that if one knows the subject-matter, a little philology may go a long way. On the other hand, the Biblical scholars themselves cannot always be purely objective; they cannot avoid having some theory in the background of the exegesis; and the theory may be a caprice, where there is no insight into a subject which involves medical considerations. The first passage which I shall take is Canticles 5.1: "I am come into my garden, my sister, my spouse; I have gathered my myrrh with my spice: *I have eaten my honeycomb with my honey*; I have drunk my wine with my milk." In the Hebrew text, the phrase in italics reads: "I have eaten my wood (yagar) with my honey (debash)." St. Jerome, in the Vulgate, translated the Hebrew word meaning "wood" by *favum*, or honey-comb -- *comedi favum cum melle meo*; which is not only a hold licence, but a platitude to boot, inasmuch as there is neither wit nor point in making one to eat the honeycomb with the honey. The LXX adopted a similar licence, but avoided the platitude, by translating thus: ... . "I have eaten *my bread* with my honey". And this is the reading that Renan has followed in his French dramatic version of Canticles (the first verse of the fifth chapter being transferred to the end of the fourth chapter). Where "honeycomb", *favus*, is plainly meant by context, the Hebrew word is either *tzooph*, as in Ps. 19, 10 and Prov. 16, 24, (where the droppings of honey from the comb are meant), or it is *noh-pheth*, as in a passage of Canticles, 4,11, close to the one in question. ("Thy lips, O my spouse, drop as the honeycomb; honey and milk are under thy tongue".) Again, the word *yagar*, which the Vulgate translated *favum* for the occasion, is used in some fifty or sixty other places of O.T. always in the sense of wood, forest, planted field, herbage, or the like. The meaning of Cant. 5,1, is clear enough in its aphrodisiac context: "I have eaten *my hemp* with my honey" -- *comedi cannabim cum confectione mellis*, which is the elegant way of taking hachish in the East to this day. And this meaning of *yagar* (wood) in association with *debash* (honey) is made clear by the other passage with which I am to deal, namely 1 Sam. 14, 27, the incident of Jonathan dipping the point of his staff into a "honey-wood", and merely tasting the honey, so that his eyes were enlightened. The one is the aphrodisiac effect of hachish, the other is its bellicose or furious effect. The correct exegesis of 1 Sam. 14, 25-45, is of great importance not only for understanding Jonathan's breach of a certain taboo, but also for the whole career of his father Saul, ending in his deposition from the kingship through the firm action of Samuel, and the pitiable collapse of his courage on the eve of the battle of Gilboa. The theory is, that both Saul and Jonathan were hachish-eaters; it was a secret vice of the palace, while it was strictly forbidden to the people; Saul had learned it of the Amalekites; it was that, and not his disobedience in saving captives and cattle alive, which was his real transgression, and the real ground of his deposition from the kingship at the instance of the far-seeing prophet. No true statesman would have taken action on account of a merely technical sin of disobedience; the disobedience was real and vital; but the substance of it had to be veiled behind a convenient fiction. One great object of Jewish particularism was, to save Israel from the vices that destroyed the nations around; and Samuel appears in that respect the first and the greatest of the prophets, the prototype *censor morum*. The incident related in I Sam. 14 arose during a raid upon the Philistines, in which the Jewish leader, Jonathan, distinguished himself by the number of the enemy whom he slew, but at the same time broke a certain law or taboo, for which he was afterwards put upon his trial and condemned to death. The incident, previous to the slaughter, is thus described: "And all [they of] the land came to a wood, and there was honey on the ground. And when the people were come into the wood, behold the honey dropped; but no man put his hand to his mouth: for the people feared the oath. But Jonathan heard not when his father charged the people with the oath; wherefore he put forth the end of the rod that was in his hand and dipped it in an honey- comb (*yagarah hadebash*), and put his hand to his mouth; and his eyes were enlightened." The exegesis of this passage has been started in an entirely false direction by the bold licence of the Vulgate in translating the two Hebrew words meaning "honey wood" by *favum*, honey-comb. The earlier sentences, however obscure, show that the "honey" was of a peculiar kind, there being no suggestion of combs or bees. The Syriac version gives the most intelligible account of it, as follows, *latine*: "Et sylvas ingressi essent, essetque mel in sylva super faciem agri, flueretque mel" -- expressing not inaptly a field of hemp with the resinous exudation upon the flower- stalks, which would flow or run by the heat. In *The Bengal Dispensatory*, by W.B. O'Shaughnessy, M.D. (London, 1842), there is the following illustrative passage p. 582: "In Central India and the Saugor territory, and in Nipal, *churrus* is collected during the hot season in the following singular manner: Men clad in leathern dresses run through the hemp- fields brushing through the plants with all possible violence. The soft resin adheres to the leather, and is subsequently scraped off and kneaded into balls, which sell from 5 to 6 R. the seer. A still finer kind, the *moomeea*, or waxen *churrus*, is collected by the hand in Nipal, and sells for double the price of the ordinary kind. In Nipal, Dr. McKinnon informus us, the leathern attire is dispensed with, and the resin is gathered on the skins of naked coolies." Jonathan's mode of collecting was of the simplest: he dipped the end of a rod into a "honey-wood", and carried it to his mouth; a mere taste of it caused his eyes to be enlightened. The whole incident is obviously dramatised, or made picturesque -- the growing field of hemp, the men passing through it, Jonathan dipping the end of a rod or staff into the resin upon a stalk as he passed by. The real meaning is, that Jonathan was a hachish-eater. It is remarkable that the LXX translators had no suspicion of this cryptic meaning. Their Greek version is the most confused of any; but it appears that they were aware of something obscure, and that they made an honest attempt to give a meaning to the Hebrew pair of words "honey wood", translating the word for "honey" by itself and again, by itself the word for "wood" in the Hebrew text (v. 25, 26), by ... bee-house. The Greek of the LXX is: .... The strange word ... is obiously a transliteration into Greek of a Hebrew word. Wellhausen, in his earliest work, *Der Text der Buchen Samuelis*, Gott. 1871, p.91, has given an explanation, which I should not have recalled had it not been pronounced to be "remarkably clever" by Driver, (*Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel*, Oxford, 1890, p.86). Wellhausen says: "... und ... ist Duplette, beides dem hebraischen *yagar* entsprechend. Demselben Worte aber entspricht nach v.26 auch .... Also haben wir hier ein Triplette". I speak with deference; but I do not understand how ... (Hebrew) can be a doublet of ..., still less how ... can be a doublet of either or both. ... as a Hebrew word written in Greek characters appears to be exactly the part of a verb meaning "we have done foolishly", or "they are foolish", which would have been used as a marginal remark (although now incorporated in the text) to signify that the passage was unintelligible or corrupt. How it can stand for *yagar*, meaning "wood" (..., a wood or coppice), is probably clear to Hebraists; at all events, that is assumed in Wellhausen's theory of a doublet, the sense being "there was honeycomb on the ground". The idea is that of "honey" in some association with "wood", which the LXX took to the bee-house. The natural association of "honey" with "wood", is "vegetable honey", or plant-honey; and it is clear from the powerful effect of a minute quantity of it, and from the kinds of effect, (aphrodisiac and bellicose) that the honey-wood was the hemp-plant with the resinous exudation. The effects, in the case of Jonathan, are unmistakeable. A mere taste of the honey on the end of the rod caused his eyes to be enlightened. His defence, when put on his trial for breaking the taboo, was the small-ness of the quantity he ate; a plea which reminds one of the famous apology of the young woman for her love-child, that "it was such a little one". There is an old explanation of this enlightenment, discussed by F.T. Withof, "De Jonathane post esum mellis visum recipiente" (*Opusc. philolog. Lingae, 1778, pp. 135 - 139). It turns upon on the Talmudic saying, *Oculi tui prae jejunio obscuranti sunt*; and upon another passage in the same, where food is to be administered to one, "*donec illuminentur oculi ejus*". Some colour is given to this idea of the illuminating effect of food for the hungry, by the context, I Sam. 14, 24, 28, namely the formal words of the taboo, "Cursed be the man that eatheth *food* until the evening", and the remark, that "the people were faint", as if by abstinence from food. But the minute quantity tasted by Jonathan shows that all these references to "food" are merely cryptic or allegorical. Also the effect upon Jonathan was, that he ran *a-mok* amongst the Philistines; and it is implied not vaguely that, if his followers had also partaken of the same food, "there had been now a much greater slaughter among the Philistines". Jonathan's exceptional prowess upon the occasion was also the ground of his being rescued by the admiring populace from the death to which he had been condemned by his father for breaking the taboo. The evidence that Saul himself was a hachish-eater is not so direct as in the case of Jonathan. There is not a hint of it until after the incident of the forbidden honey in the attack upon the Philistines; but, in the inquiry upon that breach of law, it is significant that Saul and Jonathan are ranged together upon one side of the trial by lot, and the people on the other, the second ballot being between Saul and Jonathathan. The next chapter introduces the very old theme of revenge upon Amelek for treachery many generations before; Saul goes upon the expedition, brings back Agag with him, and disobeys the prophet's orders in other respects. From that disobedience his ruin dates. Samuel had a most unaccountable animosity to Agag, so that he hewed him in pieces with his own hands. The presumption is, that he had corrupted Saul by the evil example of his Amalekite ways. Next, we have the appearance of David upon the scene, in the capacity of a harper, to soothe Saul's fits of fury and melancholy, when he was under the influence of the evil spirit. Dr. J. Moreau (de Tours) in his valuable work *Du Hachish et de l'Alienation Mentale*, Paris 1845, has shown that music has no effect upon the ordinary run of melancholics (pp. 84-85); the idea that it might be useful in lunatic asylums comes from the misunderstood example of David playing before Saul. But this idea, says Dr. Moreau, "belongs to the domain of comic opera"; not only so, "mais nous avons maudit souvent la harpe de David et l'hypochondrie de Saul, qui ont manifestement produit toutes les billevesees". The only kind of mental alienation that is influenced by music, as Dr. Moreau shows farther, is that due to the intoxication of hachish -- "la puissante influence qu'exerce la musique sur ceux qui ont pris du hachish... La musique la plus grossiere, les simples vibrations des cordes d'une harpe ou d'une guitare vous exaltent jusqu' au delire ou vous plongent dans une douce melancholie". And yet Dr. Moreau does not suggest that Saul's susceptibility to the music of David's harp was owing to the fact that his "evil spirit" was hachish. The inference seems to obvious to have been missed, after he had distinguished between ordinary melancholia and hachish-intoxication in regard to the effects of music; and yet I do not find any such diagnosis of Saul's malady in any part of his book. That diagnosis is not only consistent with several things told of his malady, but is also elucidative of his ruined career. The sudden throwing of his javelin at David as he played before him is as graphic an illustration as could be given, of the ungovernable fits of temper which hachish produces. Also the extraordinary exhibition that Saul makes of himself in the end of chapter 19 is best understood as a fit of drunkenness. But the most significant, as well as the most pathetic, of all, is the failure of his courage on the night before the battle of Gilboa. Here we see the stalwart hero of the people with his nerves shattered by intoxicants now no longer able to stimulate him: "And when Saul saw the host of the Philistines he was afraid, and his heart greatly trembled". Those who are acquainted with Robert Browning's poem "Saul", will see how well the hypothesis of hachish fits in with the poet's conception of a heroic life wrecked by some mysterious "error". That he and Jonathan should have been practicing in secret that which was taboo to the people at large, is exactly parallel with Saul's secret dealings in witchcraft, against which there was a public law. It is also of the same kind as the evils against which Samuel is reported to have cautioned the people when they demanded kingly rule -- namely the autocratic self-indulgences of the palace. In his last desperate strait, Saul gets the witch to summon the spirit of Samuel, his old monitor; but Samuel is unable to help him; "Because thou obeyedst not the voice of the Lord, nor executedst his fierce wrath upon Amalek, therefore hath the Lord done this thing unto thee this day". It is always Amalek; and Amalek was just that tribe of Arabs, of the southern desert, who were engaged in the carrying trade between the Arabian gulf and Lower Egypt or the Mediterraneae, -- the trade in gold, and spices, and drugs: probably the same Arabs among whom the name of *hachashin* was found in the medieval period, and from whom the latinised name of *assassini* was brought to Europe by returning Crusaders. (Silvestre de Sacy, *l.c.*) (To be continued)